Orations |
Translator: C. D. Yonge
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| 505 |
Cum hoc pacem M . Lepidus , vir ornatissimus omnibus et virtutis et fortunae bonis , si haec videret , aut vellet aut fieri posse arbitraretur ? ‘Prius undis flamma ,’ ut ait poeta nescio quis , prius denique omnia quam aut cum Antoniis res publica aut cum re publica Antonii redeant in gratiam . Monstra quaedam ista et portenta sunt et prodigia rei publicae . Moveri sedibus huic urbi melius est atque in alias , si fieri possit , terras demigrare , unde Antoniorum ‘nec facta nec nomen audiat ,’ quam illos , Caesaris virtute eiectos , Bruti retentos , intra haec moenia videre . Optatissimum est vincere ; secundum est nullum casum pro dignitate et libertate patriae non ferendum putare . Quod reliquum est , non est tertium , sed postremum omnium , maximam turpitudinem suscipere vitae cupiditate .
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Would Marcus Lepidus, that man so richly endowed with all the gifts of virtue and fortune, if he saw this letter, either wish for peace with this man, or even think it possible that peace should be made? “Sooner shall fire and water mingle,” as some poet or other says; sooner shall any thing in the world happen than either the republic become reconciled to the Antonii, or the Antonii to the republic. Those men are monsters, prodigies, portentous pests of the republic. It would be better for this city to be uplifted from its foundations and transported, if such a thing were possible, into other regions, where it should never hear of the actions or the name of the Antonii, than for it to see those men, driven out by the valor of Caesar, and hemmed in by the courage of Brutus, inside these walls. The most desirable thing is victory; the next best thing is to think no disaster too great to bear in defense of the dignity and freedom of one's country. The remaining alternative, I will not call it the third, but the lowest of all, is to undergo the greatest disgrace from a desire of life. |
| 506 |
Quae cum ita sint , de mandatis litterisque M . Lepidi , viri clarissimi , Servilio adsentior , et hoc amplius censeo , Magnum Pompeium , Gnaei filium , pro patris maiorumque suorum animo studioque in rem publicam suaque pristina virtute , industria , voluntate fecisse , quod suam eorumque quos secum haberet operam senatui populoque Romano pollicitus esset , eamque rem senatui populoque Romano gratam acceptamque esse , eique honori dignitatique eam rem fore . Hoc vel coniungi cum hoc senatus consulto licet vel seiungi potest separatimque perscribi , ut proprio senatus consulto Pompeius conlaudatus esse videatur .
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Since, then, this is the case, as to the letters and messages of Marcus Lepidus, that most illustrious man, I agree with Servilius. And I further give my vote, that Magnus Pompeius, the son of Cnaeus, has acted as might have been expected from the affection and zeal of his father and forefathers toward the republic, and from his own previous virtue and industry and loyal principles in promising to the senate and people of Rome his own assistance, and that of those men whom he has with him; and that that conduct of his is grateful and acceptable to the senate and people of Rome, and that it shall tend to his own honor and dignity. This may either be added to the resolution of the senate which is before us, or it may be separated from it and drawn up by itself, so as to let Pompeius be seen to be extolled in a distinct resolution of the senate. |
| 507 |
IN M . ANTONIVM ORATIO PHILIPPICA QVARTA DECIMA Si , ut ex litteris quae recitatae sunt , patres conscripti , sceleratissimorum hostium exercitum caesum fusumque cognovi , sic , id quod et omnes maxime optamus et ex ea victoria quae parta est consecutum arbitramur , D . Brutum egressum iam Mutina esse cognossem , propter cuius periculum ad saga issemus , propter eiusdem salutem redeundum ad pristinum vestitum sine ulla dubitatione censerem . Ante vero quam sit ea res quam avidissime civitas exspectat adlata , laetitia frui satis est maximae praeclarissimaeque pugnae ; reditum ad vestitum confectae victoriae reservate .
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THE FOURTEENTH (AND LAST) ORATION OF M. T. CICERO AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS. CALLED ALSO THE FOURTEENTH PHILIPPIC. If, O conscript fathers, while I learned from the letters which have been read that the army of our most wicked enemies had been defeated and routed, I had also learned what we all wish for above all things, and which we do suppose has resulted from that victory which has been achieved,—namely, that Decimus Brutus had already quitted Mutina,—then I should without any hesitation give my vote for our returning to our usual dress out of joy at the safety of that citizen on account of whose danger it was that we adopted the robe of war, But before any news of that event which the city looks for with the greatest eagerness arrives, we have sufficient reason indeed for joy at this most important and most illustrious battle; but reserve, I beg you, your return to your usual dress for the time of complete victory. But the completion of this war is the safety of Decimus Brutus. |
| 508 |
Confectio autem huius belli est D . Bruti salus . Quae autem est ista sententia ut in hodiernum diem vestitus mutetur , deinde cras sagati prodeamus ? Nos vero cum semel ad eum quem cupimus optamusque vestitum redierimus , id agamus ut eum in perpetuum retineamus . Nam hoc quidem cum turpe est , tum ne dis quidem immortalibus gratum , ab eorum aris ad quas togati adierimus , ad saga sumenda discedere .
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But what is the meaning of this proposal that our dress shall be changed just for today, and that tomorrow we should again come forth in the garb of war? Rather when we have once turned to that dress which we wish and desire to assume, let us strive to retain it forever; for this is not only discreditable, but it is displeasing also to the immortal gods, to leave their altars, which we have approached in the attire of peace, for the purpose of assuming the garb of war. |
| 509 |
Atque animadverto , patres conscripti , quosdam huic favere sententiae quorum ea mens idque consilium est ut , cum videant gloriosissimum illum D . Bruto futurum diem quo die propter eius salutem redierimus , hunc ei fructum eripere cupiant , ne memoriae posteritatique prodatur propter unius civis periculum populum Romanum ad saga isse , propter eiusdem salutem redisse ad togas . Tollite hanc : nullam tam pravae sententiae causam reperietis . Vos vero , patres conscripti , conservate auctoritatem vestram , manete in sententia , tenete vestra memoria quod saepe ostendistis , huius totius belli in unius viri fortissimi et maximi vita positum esse discrimen .
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And I notice, O conscript fathers, that there are some who favor this proposal: whose intention and design is, as they see that that will be a most glorious day for Decimus Brutus on which we return to our usual dress out of joy for his safety, to deprive him of this great reward, so that it may not be handed down to the recollection of posterity that the Roman people had recourse to the garb of war on account of the danger of one single citizen, and then returned to their gowns of pence on account of his safety. Take away this reason, and you will find no other for so absurd a proposal. But do you, O conscript fathers, preserve your authority, adhere to your own opinions, preserve in your recollection what you have often declared, that the whole result of this entire war depends on the life of one most brave and excellent man. |
| 510 |
Ad D . Brutum liberandum legati missi principes civitatis qui illi hosti ac parricidae denuntiarent ut a Mutina discederet ; eiusdem D . Bruti conservandi gratia consul sortitu ad bellum profectus A . Hirtius , cuius imbecillitatem valetudinis animi virtus et spes victoriae confirmavit ; Caesar , cum exercitu per se comparato cum primum his pestibus rem publicam liberasset , ne quid postea sceleris oreretur profectus est ad eundem Brutum liberandum vicitque dolorem aliquem domesticum patriae caritate .
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For the purpose of effecting the liberation of Decimus Brutus, the chief men of the state were sent as ambassadors, to give notice to that enemy and parricidal traitor to retire from Mutina; for the sake of preserving that same Decimus Brutus, Aulus Hirtius, the consul, went by lot to conduct the war; a man the weakness of whose bodily health was made up for by the strength of his courage, and encouraged by the hope of victory; Caesar, too, after he, with an army levied by his own resources and on his own authority, had delivered the republic from the first dangers that assailed it, in order to prevent any subsequent wicked attempts from being originated, departed to assist in the deliverance of the same Brutus, and subdued some family vexation which he may have felt by his attachment to his country. |
| 511 |
Quid C . Pansa egit aliud dilectibus habendis , pecuniis comparandis , senatus consultis faciendis gravissimis in Antonium , nobis cohortandis , populo Romano ad causam libertatis vocando , nisi ut D . Brutus liberaretur ? A quo populus Romanus frequens ita salutem D . Bruti una voce depoposcit ut eam non solum commodis suis sed etiam necessitati victus anteferret . Quod sperare nos quidem debemus , patres conscripti , aut inibi esse aut iam esse confectum : sed spei fructum rei convenit et evento reservari ne aut deorum immortalium beneficium festinatione praeripuisse aut vim fortunae stultitia contempsisse videamur .
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What other object had Caius Pansa in holding the levies which he did, and in collecting money, and in carrying the most severe resolutions of the senate against Antonius, and in exhorting us, and in inviting the Roman people to embrace the cause of liberty, except to insure the deliverance of Decimus Brutus? For the Roman people in crowds demanded at his hands the safety of Decimus Brutus with such unanimous outcries, that he was compelled to prefer it not only to any consideration of his own personal advantage, but even to his own necessities. And that end we now, O conscript fathers, are entitled to hope is either at the point of being achieved, or is actually gained; but it is right for the reward of our hopes to be reserved for the issue and event of the business, lest we should appear either to have anticipated the kindness of the gods by our over precipitation, or to have despised the bounty of fortune through our own folly. |
| 512 |
Sed quoniam significatio vestra satis declarat quid hac de re sentiatis , ad litteras veniam quae sunt a consulibus et a pro praetore missae , si pauca ante quae ad ipsas litteras pertineant dixero .
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But since the manner of your behavior shows plainly enough what you think of this matter, I will come to the letters which have arrived from the consuls and the propraetor, after I have said a few words relating to the letters themselves. |
| 513 |
Imbuti gladii sunt , patres conscripti , legionum exercituumque nostrorum vel madefacti potius duobus consulum , tertio Caesaris proelio . Si hostium fuit ille sanguis , summa militum pietas : nefarium scelus , si civium . Quo usque igitur is qui omnis hostis scelere superavit nomine hostis carebit ? nisi mucrones etiam nostrorum militum tremere voltis dubitantis utrum in cive an in hoste figantur . Supplicationem decernitis : hostem non appellatis . Gratae vero nostrae dis immortalibus gratulationes erunt , gratae victimae , cum interfecta sit civium multitudo ! ‘De improbis ’ inquit ‘et audacibus .’ Nam sic eos appellat clarissimus vir : quae sunt urbanarum maledicta litium , non inustae belli internecini notae . Testamenta , credo , subiciunt aut eiciunt vicinos aut adulescentulos circumscribunt : his enim vitiis adfectos et talibus malos aut audacis appellare consuetudo solet .
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The swords, O conscript fathers, of our legions and armies have been stained with, or rather, I should say, dipped deep in blood in two battles which have taken place under the consuls, and a third, which has been fought under the command of Caesar. If it was the blood of enemies, then great is the piety of the soldiers; but it is nefarious wickedness if it was the blood of citizens. How long, then, is that man, who has surpassed all enemies in wickedness, to be spared the name of enemy? unless you wish to see the very swords of our soldiers trembling in their hands while they doubt whether they are piercing a citizen or an enemy. You vote a supplication; you do not call Antonius an enemy. Very pleasing indeed to the immortal gods will our thanksgivings be, very pleasing too the victims, after a multitude of our citizens has been slain! “For the victory” says the proposer of the supplication, “over wicked and audacious men.” For that is what this most illustrious man calls them; expressions of blame suited to lawsuits carried on in the city, not denunciations of searing infamy such as deserved by internecine war. I suppose they are forging wills, or trespassing on their neighbors, or cheating some young men; for it is men implicated in these and similar practices that we are in the habit of terming wicked and audacious. |
| 514 |
Bellum inexpiabile infert quattuor consulibus unus omnium latronum taeterrimus ; gerit idem bellum cum senatu populoque Romano ; omnibus —quamquam ruit ipse suis cladibus —pestem , vastitatem , cruciatum , tormenta denuntiat : Dolabellae ferum et immane facinus quod nulla barbaria posset agnoscere , id suo consilio factum esse testatur ; quaeque esset facturus in hac urbe , nisi eum hic ipse Iuppiter ab hoc templo atque moenibus reppulisset , declaravit in Parmensium calamitate , quos optimos viros honestissimosque homines , maxime cum auctoritate huius ordinis populique Romani dignitate coniunctos , crudelissimis exemplis interemit propudium illud et portentum , L . Antonius , insigne odium omnium hominum vel , si etiam di oderunt quos oportet , deorum .
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One man, the foulest of all banditti, is waging an irreconcilable war against four consuls. He is at the same time carrying on war against the senate and people of Rome. He is (although he is himself hastening to destruction; through the disasters which he has met with) threatening all of us with destruction, and devastation, and torments, and tortures. He declares that that inhuman and savage act of Dolabella's, which no nation of barbarians would have owned, was done by his advice; and what he himself would do in this city, if this very Jupiter, who now looks down upon us assembled in his temple, had not repelled him from this temple and from these walls, he showed, in the miseries of those inhabitants of Parma, whom, virtuous and honorable men as they were, and most intimately connected with the authority of this order, and with the dignity of the Roman people, that villain and monster, Lucius Antonius, that object of the extraordinary detestation of all men, and (if the gods hate those whom they ought) of all the gods also, murdered with every circumstance of cruelty. |
| 515 |
Refugit animus , patres conscripti , eaque dicere reformidat quae L . Antonius in Parmensium liberis et coniugibus effecerit . Quas enim turpitudines Antonii libenter cum dedecore subierunt , easdem per vim laetantur aliis se intulisse . Sed vis calamitosa est quam illis obtulerunt : libido flagitiosa qua Antoniorum oblita est vita . Est igitur quisquam qui hostis appellare non audeat quorum scelere crudelitatem Carthaginiensium victam esse fateatur ?
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My mind shudders at the recollection, O conscript fathers, and shrinks from relating the cruelties which Lucius Antonius perpetrated on the children and wives of the citizens of Parma. For whatever infamy the Antonii have willingly undergone in their own persons to their own infamy, they triumph in the fact of having inflicted on others by violence. But it is a miserable violence which they offered to them; most unholy lust, such as the whole life of the Antonii is polluted with. |
| 516 |
Qua enim in urbe tam immanis Hannibal capta quam in Parma surrepta Antonius ? nisi forte huius coloniae et ceterarum in quas eodem est animo non est hostis putandus . Si vero coloniarum et municipiorum sine ulla dubitatione hostis est , quid tandem huius censetis urbis quam ille ad explendas egestates latrocini sui concupivit , quam iam peritus metator et callidus decempeda sua Saxa diviserat ? Recordamini , per deos immortalis ! patres conscripti , quid hoc biduo timuerimus a domesticis hostibus rumoribus improbissimis dissipatis . Quis liberos , quis coniugem aspicere poterat sine fletu ? quis domum , quis tecta , quis larem familiarem ? Aut foedissimam mortem omnes aut miserabilem fugam cogitabant . Haec a quibus timebantur , eos hostis appellare dubitamus ? Gravius si quis attulerit nomen , libenter adsentiar : hoc volgari contentus vix sum , leviore non utar .
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Is there then any one who is afraid to call those men enemies, whose wickedness he admits to have surpassed even the inhumanity of the Carthaginians? For in what city, when taken by storm, did Hannibal even behave with such ferocity as Antonius did in Parma, which he filched by surprise? Unless, perhaps, Antonius is not to be considered the enemy of this colony, and of the others toward which he is animated with the same feelings. But if he is beyond all question the enemy of the colonies and municipal towns, then what do you consider him with respect to this city which he is so eager for to satiate the indigence of his band of robbers? which that skillful and experienced surveyor of his, Saxa, has already marked out with his rule. Recollect, I entreat you, in the name of the immortal gods, O conscript fathers, what we have been fearing for the last two days, in consequence of infamous rumors carefully disseminated by enemies within the walls. Who has been able to look upon his children or upon his wife without weeping? who has been able to bear the sight of his home, of his house, and his household gods? Already all of us were expecting a most ignominious death, or meditating a miserable flight. And shall we hesitate to call the men at whose hands we feared all these things enemies? If any one should propose a more severe designation I will willingly agree to it; I am hardly content with this ordinary one, and will certainly not employ a more moderate one. |
| 517 |
Itaque cum supplicationes iustissimas ex eis litteris quae recitatae sunt decernere debeamus , Serviliusque decreverit , augebo omnino numerum dierum , praesertim cum non uni , sed tribus ducibus sint decernendae . Sed hoc primum faciam ut imperatores appellem eos quorum virtute , consilio , felicitate maximis periculis servitutis atque interitus liberati sumus . Etenim cui viginti his annis supplicatio decreta est ut non imperator appellaretur aut minimis rebus gestis aut plerumque nullis ? Quam ob rem aut supplicatio ab eo qui ante dixit decernenda non fuit aut usitatus honos pervolgatusque tribuendus eis quibus etiam novi singularesque debentur .
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Therefore, as we are bound to vote, and as Servilius has already proposed a most just supplication for those letters which have been read to you; I will propose altogether to increase the number of the days which it is to last, especially as it is to be decreed in honor of three generals conjointly. But first of all I will insist on styling those men imperator by whose valor, and wisdom, and good fortune we have been released from the most imminent danger of slavery and death. Indeed, who is there within the last twenty years who has had a supplication decreed to him without being himself styled imperator, though he may have performed the most insignificant exploits, or even almost none at all. Wherefore, the senator who spoke before me ought either not to have moved for a supplication at all, or he ought to have paid the usual and established compliment to those men to whom even new and extraordinary honors are justly due. |
| 518 |
An si quis Hispanorum aut Gallorum aut Threcum mille aut duo milia occidisset , illum hac consuetudine quae increbruit imperatorem appellaret senatus : tot legionibus caesis , tanta multitudine hostium interfecta —ita , inquam , hostium , quamvis hoc isti hostes domestici nolint —clarissimis ducibus supplicationum honorem tribuemus , imperatorium nomen adimemus ? Quanto enim honore , laetitia , gratulatione in hoc templum ingredi debent illi ipsi huius urbis liberatores , cum hesterno die propter eorum res gestas me ovantem et prope triumphantem populus Romanus in Capitolium domo tulerit , domum inde reduxerit ?
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Shall the senate, according to this custom which has now obtained, style a man imperator if he has slain a thousand or two of Spaniards, or Gauls, or Thracians; and now that so many legions have been routed, now that such a multitude of enemies has been slain,—yes, enemies, I say, although our enemies within the city do not fancy this expression,—shall we pay to our most illustrious generals the honor of a supplication, and refuse them the name of imperator? For with what great honor, and joy, and exultation ought the deliverers of this city themselves to enter into this temple, when yesterday, on account of the exploits which they have performed, the Roman people carried me in an ovation, almost in a triumph from my house to the Capitol, and back again from the Capitol to my own house? |
| 519 |
Is enim demum est mea quidem sententia iustus triumphus ac verus , cum bene de re publica meritis testimonium a consensu civitatis datur . Nam sive in communi gaudio populi Romani uni gratulabantur , magnum iudicium , sive uni gratias agebant , eo maius , sive utrumque , nihil magnificentius cogitari potest . Tu igitur ipse de te ? dixerit quispiam . Equidem invitus , sed iniuriae dolor facit me praeter consuetudinem gloriosum . Nonne satis est ab hominibus virtutis ignaris gratiam bene merentibus non referri ? etiam in eos qui omnis suas curas in rei publicae salute defigunt , crimen et invidia quaeretur ?
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That is indeed in my opinion a just and genuine triumph, when men who have deserved well of the republic receive public testimony to their merits from the unanimous consent of the senate. For if, at a time of general rejoicing on the part of the Roman people, they addressed their congratulations to one individual, that is a great proof of their opinion of him; if they gave him thanks, that is a greater still; if they did both, then nothing more honorable to him can be possibly imagined. Are you saying all this of yourself? some one will ask. It is indeed against my will that I do so; but my indignation at injustice makes me boastful, contrary to my usual habit. Is it not sufficient that thanks should not be given to men who have well earned them, by men who are ignorant of the very nature of virtue? And shall accusations and odium be attempted to be excited against those men who devote all their thoughts to insuring the safety of the republic? |
| 520 |
Scitis enim per hos dies creberrimum fuisse sermonem , me Parilibus , qui dies hodie est , cum fascibus descensurum . In aliquem credo hoc gladiatorem aut latronem aut Catilinam esse conlatum , non in eum qui ne quid tale in re publica fieri posset effecerit . An vero ego qui Catilinam haec molientem sustulerim , everterim , adflixerim , ipse exstiterim repente Catilina ? Quibus auspiciis istos fascis augur acciperem , quatenus haberem , cui traderem ? Quemquamne fuisse tam sceleratum qui hoc fingeret , tam furiosum qui crederet ? Vnde igitur ista suspicio vel potius unde iste sermo .
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For you well know that there has been a common report for the last few days, that the day before the wine feast, that is to say, on this very day, I was intending to come forth with the fasces as dictator. One would think that this story was invented against some gladiator, or robber, or Catiline, and not against a man who had prevented any such step from ever being taken in the republic. Was I, who defeated and overthrew and crushed Catiline, when he was attempting such wickedness, a likely man myself all on a sudden to turn out Catiline? Under what auspices could I, an augur, take those fasces? How long should I have been likely to keep them? to whom was I to deliver them as my successor? The idea of any one having been so wicked as to invent such a tale! or so mad as to believe it! In what could such a suspicion, or rather such gossip, have originated? |
| 521 |
Cum , ut scitis , hoc triduo vel quadriduo tristis a Mutina fama manaret , inflati laetitia atque insolentia impii cives unum se in locum , ad illam curiam furiis potius suis quam rei publicae infelicem congregabant . Ibi cum consilia inirent de caede nostra partirenturque inter se qui Capitolium , qui rostra , qui urbis portas occuparent , ad me concursum futurum civitatis putabant . Quod ut cum invidia mea fieret et cum vitae etiam periculo , famam istam fascium dissipaverunt ; fascis ipsi ad me delaturi fuerunt . Quod cum esset quasi mea voluntate factum , tum in me impetus conductorum hominum quasi in tyrannum parabatur ; ex quo caedes esset vestrum omnium consecuta . Quae res patefecit , patres conscripti , sed suo tempore totius huius sceleris fons aperietur .
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When, as you know, during the last three or four days a report of bad news from Mutina has been creeping abroad, the disloyal part of the citizens, inflated with exultation and insolence, began to collect in one place, at that senate-house which has been more fatal to their party than to the republic. There, while they were forming a plan to massacre us, and were distributing the different duties among one another, and settling who was to seize on the Capitol, who on the rostra, who on the gates of the city, they thought that all the citizens would flock to me. And in order to bring me into unpopularity, and even into danger of my life, they spread abroad this report about the fasces. They themselves had some idea of bringing the fasces to my house; and then, on pretense of that having been done by my wish, they had prepared a band of hired ruffians to make an attack on me as on a tyrant, and a massacre of all of you was intended to follow. The fact is already notorious, O conscript fathers, but the origin of all this wickedness will be revealed in its fitting time. |
| 522 |
Itaque P . Apuleius , tribunus plebis , meorum omnium consiliorum periculorumque iam inde a consulatu meo testis , conscius , adiutor , dolorem ferre non potuit doloris mei : contionem habuit maximam populo Romano unum atque idem sentiente . In qua contione cum me pro summa nostra coniunctione et familiaritate liberare suspicione fascium vellet , una voce cuncta contio declaravit nihil esse a me umquam de re publica nisi optime cogitatum . Post hanc habitam contionem duabus tribusve horis optatissimi nuntii et litterae venerunt : ut idem dies non modo iniquissima me invidia liberarit sed etiam celeberrima populi Romani gratulatione auxerit .
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Therefore Publius Apuleius, a tribune of the people, who ever since my consulship has been the witness and partaker of, and my assistant in all my designs and all my dangers, could not endure the grief of witnessing my indignation. He convened a numerous assembly, as the whole Roman people were animated with one feeling on the subject. And when in the harangue which he then made, he, as was natural from our great intimacy and friendship, was going to exculpate me from all suspicion in the matter of the fasces, the whole assembly cried out with one voice, that I had never had any intentions with regard to the republic which were not excellent. After this assembly was over, within two or three hours, these most welcome messengers and letters arrived, so that the same day not only delivered me from a most unjust odium, but increased my credit by that most extraordinary act with which the Roman people distinguished me |