Orations |
Translator: C. D. Yonge
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| 487 |
' Victum Ciceronem ducem habuistis .’ Eo libentius ‘ducem ’ audio quod certe ille dicit invitus ; nam de victo nihil laboro . Fatum enim meum est sine re publica nec vinci posse nec vincere . ‘Macedoniam munitis exercitibus .’ Et quidem fratri tuo qui a vobis nihil degenerat extorsimus . ‘Africam commisistis Varo bis capto .’ Hic cum Gaio fratre putat se litigare . ‘In Syriam Cassium misistis .’ Non igitur sentis huic causae orbem terrae patere , te extra munitiones tuas vestigium ubi imprimas non habere ? ‘Cascam tribunatum gerere passi estis .’ Quid ergo ? ut Marullum , ut Caesetium a re publica removeremus eum per quem ut neque idem hoc posthac neque multa eius modi accidere possent consecuti sumus ? ‘Vectigalia Iuliana Lupercis ademistis .’ Lupercorum mentionem facere audet ? neque illius diei memoriam perhorrescit quo ausus est obrutus vino , unguentis oblitus , nudus gementem populum Romanum ad servitutem cohortari ? ‘Veteranorum colonias , deductas lege senatus consulto sustulistis .’ Nos sustulimus an contra lege comitiis centuriatis lata sanximus ? Vide ne tu veteranos , etiam eos qui erant perditi , perdideris in eumque locum deduxeris ex quo ipsi iam sentiunt se numquam exituros .
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“You have the defeated Cicero for your general.” I am the more glad to hear that word “general,” because he certainly uses it against his will; for as for his saying “defeated,” I do not mind that; for it is my fate that I can neither be victorious nor defeated without the republic being so at the same time. “You are fortifying Macedonia with armies.” Yes, indeed, and we have wrested one from your brother, who does not in the least degenerate from you. “You have entrusted Africa to Varus, who has been twice taken prisoner.” Here he thinks that he is making out a case against his own brother Lucius. “You have sent Capius into Syria.” Do you not see then, O Antonius, that the whole would is open to our party, but that you have no spot, out of your own fortifications, where you can set your foot? “You have allowed Casca to discharge the office of tribune.” What then? Were we to remove a man, as if he had been Marallus or Caesetius, to whom we own it, that this and many other things like this can never happen for the future? “You have taken away from the Luperci the revenues which Julius Caesar assigned to them.” Does he dare to make mention of the Luperci? Does her not shudder at the recollection of that day on which, smelling of wine, reeking with perfumes, and naked, he dared to exhort the indignant Roman people to embrace slavery? “You, by a resolution of the senate, have removed the colonies of the veterans which had been legally settled.” Have we removed them, or have we rather ratified a law which was passed in the comitia centuriata? See, rather, whether it is not you who have ruined these veterans (those at least who are ruined), and settled them in a place from which they themselves now feel that they shall never he able to make their escape. |
| 488 |
' Massiliensibus iure belli adempta reddituros vos pollicemini .’ Nihil disputo de iure belli —magis facilis disputatio est quam necessaria — illud tamen animadvertite , patres conscripti , quam sit huic rei publicae natus hostis Antonius , qui tanto opere eam civitatem oderit quam scit huic rei publicae semper fuisse amicissimam .
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“You are promising to restore to the people of Marseilles what has been taken from them by the laws of war.” I am not going to discuss the laws of war. It is a discussion far more easy to begin than necessary. But take notice of this, O conscript fathers, what a born enemy to the republic Antonius is, who is so violent in his hatred of that city which he knows to have been at all times most firmly attached to this republic. |
| 489 |
' Neminem Pompeianum qui vivat teneri lege Hirtia dictitatis .’ Quis , quaeso , iam legis Hirtiae mentionem facit ? cuius non minus arbitror latorem ipsum quam eos de quibus lata est paenitere . Omnino mea quidem sententia legem illam appellare fas non est ; et , ut sit lex , non debemus illam Hirti legem putare . ‘Apuleiana pecunia Brutum subornastis .’ Quid ? si omnibus suis copiis excellentem virum res publica armasset , quem tandem bonum paeniteret ? Nec enim sine pecunia exercitum alere nec sine exercitu fratrem tuum capere potuisset . ' Securi percussos Petraeum et Menedemum , civitate donatos et hospites Caesaris , laudastis .’ Non laudavimus quod ne audivimus quidem . Valde enim nobis in tanta perturbatione rei publicae de duobus nequissimis Graeculis cogitandum fuit . ‘Theopompum , nudum , vi expulsum a Trebonio , confugere Alexandream neglexistis .’ Magnum crimen senatus ! De Theopompo , summo homine , negleximus , qui ubi terrarum sit , quid agat , vivat denique an mortuus sit , quis aut scit aut curat ? ‘Ser . Galbam eodem pugione succinctum in castris videtis .’ Nihil tibi de Galba respondeo , fortissimo et constantissimo civi : coram aderit ; praesens et ipse et ille quem insimulas pugio respondebit . ‘Milites aut meos aut veteranos contraxistis tamquam ad exitium eorum qui Caesarem occiderant : et eosdem nec opinantis ad quaestoris sui aut imperatoris aut commilitonum suorum pericula impulistis .’ Scilicet verba dedimus , decepimus : ignorabat legio Martia , quarta , nesciebant veterani quid ageretur ; non illi senatus auctoritatem , non libertatem populi sequebantur : Caesaris mortem ulcisci volebant , quam omnes fatalem fuisse arbitrabantur ; te videlicet salvum , beatum , florentem esse cupiebant .
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“[Do you not know] that no one of the party of Pompeius, who is still alive, can, by the Hirtian law, possess any rank?” What, I should like to know, is the object of now making mention of the Hirtian law?—a law of which I believe the framer himself repents no less than those against whom it was passed. According to my opinion, it is utterly wrong to call it a law at all; and, even if it be a law, we ought not to think it a law of Hirtius. “You have furnished Brutus with money belonging to Apuleius.” Well? Suppose the republic had furnished that excellent man with all its treasures and resources, what good man would have disapproved of it? For without money he could not have supported an army, nor without an army could he have taken your brother prisoner. “You have praised the execution of Paetus and Menedemus, men who had been presented with the freedom of the city, and who were united by ties of hospitality to Caesar.” We do not praise what we have never even heard of; we were very likely, in such a state of confusion and such a critical period of the republic, to busy our minds about two worthless Greeklings! “You took no notice of Theopompus having been stripped, and driven out by Trebonius, and compelled to flee to Alexandria.” The senate has indeed been very guilty! We have taken no notice of that great man Theopompus! Why, who on earth knows or cares where he is, or what he is doing; or, indeed, whether he is alive or dead? “You endure the sight of Sergius. Galba in your camp, armed with the same dagger with which he slew Caesar.” I shall make you no reply at all about Galba; a most gallant and courageous citizen. He will meet you face to face; and he being present, and that dagger which you reproach him with, shall give you your answer. “You have enlisted my soldiers, and many veterans, under the pretense of intending the destruction of those men who slew Caesar; and then, when they expected no such step, you have led them on to attack their quaestor, their general, and their former comrades!” No doubt we deceived them; we humbugged them completely! no doubt the Martial legion, the fourth legion, and the veterans had no idea what was going on! They were not following the authority of the senate, or the liberty of the Roman people.—They were anxious to avenge the death of Caesar, which they all regarded as an act of destiny! No doubt you were the person whom they were anxious to see safe, and happy, and flourishing! |
| 490 |
O miser cum re , tum hoc ipso quod non sentis quam miser sis ! Sed maximum crimen audite . ‘Denique quid non aut probastis aut fecistis quod faciat , si reviviscat ' —Quis ? credo enim , adferet aliquod scelerati hominis exemplum — ' Cn . Pompeius ipse ?’ O nos turpis , si quidem Cn . Pompeium imitati sumus ! ‘aut filius eius , si modo possit .’ Poterit , mihi crede : nam paucis diebus et in domum et in hortos paternos immigrabit . ‘Postremo negatis pacem fieri posse , nisi aut emisero Brutum aut frumento iuvero .’ Alii istuc negant : ego vero , ne si ista quidem feceris , umquam tecum pacem huic civitati futuram puto . ‘Quid ? hoc placetne veteranis istis ? quibus adhuc omnia integra sunt .’ Nihil vidi tam integrum quam ut oppugnare imperatorem incipiant quem tanto studio consensuque oderint .
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Oh miserable man, not only in fact, but also in the circumstance of not perceiving yourself how miserable you are! But listen to the most serious charge of all. “In fact, what have you not sanctioned,—what have you not done? what would be done if he were to come to life again, by?—” By whom? For I suppose he means to bring forward some instance of a very wicked man. “Cnaeus Pompeius himself?” Oh how base must we be, if indeed we have been imitating Cnaeus Pompeius! “Or his son, if he could be at home?” He soon will be at home, believe me; for in a very few days he will enter on his home, and on his father's villas. “Lastly, you declare that peace can not be made unless I either allow Brutus to quit Mutina, or supply him with corn.” It is others who say that: I say, that even if you were to do so, there never could be peace between this city and you. “What? is this the opinion of those veteran soldiers, to whom as yet either course is open?” I do not see that there is any course so open to them, as now to begin and attack that general whom they previously were so zealous and unanimous in defending. |
| 491 |
' Quos iam vos adsentationibus et venenatis muneribus venistis depravaturi .’ An corrupti sunt quibus persuasum sit foedissimum hostem iustissimo bello persequi ? ‘At militibus inclusis opem fertis . Nihil moror eos salvos esse et ire quo libet , si tantum modo patiuntur perire eum qui meruit .’ Quam benigne ! denique usi liberalitate Antoni milites imperatorem reliquerunt et se ad hostem metu perterriti contulerunt : per quos si non stetisset , non Dolabella prius imperatori suo quam Antonius etiam conlegae parentasset .
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“Since you yourselves have sold yourselves for flatteries and poisoned gifts.” Are those men depraved and corrupted, who have been persuaded to pursue a most detestable enemy with most righteous war? “But you say, you are bringing assistance to troops who are hemmed in. I have no objection to their being saved, and departing wherever you wish, if they only allow that man to be put to death who has deserved it.” How very kind of him! The soldiers availing themselves of the liberality of Antonius have deserted their general, and have fled in alarm to his enemy; and if it had not been for them, Dolabella, in offering the sacrifice which he did to the shade of his general, would not have been beforehand with Antonius in propitiating the spirit of his colleague by a similar offering. |
| 492 |
' Concordiae factam esse mentionem scribitis in senatu et legatos esse consularis quinque . Difficile est credere , eos que qui me praecipitem egerint , aequissimas condiciones ferentem et tamen ex his aliquid remittere cogitantem , putare aliquid moderate aut humane esse facturos . Vix etiam veri simile est , qui iudicaverint hostem Dolabellam ob rectissimum facinus , eosdem nobis parcere posse idem sentientibus .’ Parumne videtur omnium facinorum sibi cum Dolabella societatem initam confiteri ? Nonne cernitis ex uno fonte omnia scelera manare ? Ipse denique fatetur , hoc quidem satis acute , non posse eos qui hostem Dolabellam iudicaverint ob rectissimum facinus —ita enim videtur Antonio —sibi parcere idem sentienti .
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“You write me word that there has been mention of peace made in the senate, and that five ambassadors of consular rank have been appointed. It is hard to believe that those men, who drove me in haste from the city, when I offered the fairest conditions, and when I was even thinking of relaxing somewhat of them, should now think of acting with moderation or humanity. And it is hardly probable, that those men who have pronounced Dolabella a public enemy for a most righteous action, should bring themselves to spare us who are influenced by the same sentiments as he.” Does it appear a trifling matter, that he confesses himself a partner with Dolabella in all his atrocities? Do you not see that all these crimes flow from one source? He himself confesses, shrewdly and correctly enough, that those who have pronounced Dolabella a public enemy for a most righteous action (for so it appeal's to Antonius), can not possibly spare him who agrees with Dolabella in opinion. |
| 493 |
Quid huic facias qui hoc litteris memoriaeque mandarit , ita sibi convenisse cum Dolabella ut ille Trebonium et , si posset , etiam Brutum , Cassium , discruciatos necaret , eadem ipse inhiberet supplicia nobis ? O conservandus civis cum tam pio iustoque foedere ! Is etiam queritur condiciones suas repudiatas , aequas quidem et verecundas , ut haberet Galliam ultimam , aptissimam ad bellum renovandum instruendumque provinciam ; ut Alaudae in tertia decuria iudicarent , id est ut perfugium scelerum esset quam turpissimis rei publicae sordibus ; ut acta sua rata essent , cuius nullum remanet consulatus vestigium . Cavebat etiam L . Antonio , qui fuerat aequissimus agri privati et publici decempedator , Nucula et Lentone conlega .
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What can you do with a man who puts on paper and records the fact, that his agreement with Dolabella is so complete, that he would kill Trebonius, and, if he could, Brutus and Cassius too with every circumstance of torture; and inflict the same punishment on us also? Certainly, a man who makes so pious and fair a treaty is a citizen to be taken care of! He also complains that the conditions which he offered, those reasonable and modest conditions, were rejected; namely, that he was to have the farther Gaul,—the province the most suitable of all for renewing and carrying on the war; that the legionaries of the Alauda should be judges in the third decury; that is to say, that there shall be an asylum for all crimes, to the indelible disgrace of the republic; that his own acts should be ratified, his,—when not one trace of his consulship has been allowed to remain! He showed his regard also for the interests of Lucius Antonius, who had been a most equitable surveyor of private and public domains, with Nucula and Lento for his colleagues. |
| 494 |
' Quam ob rem vos potius animadvertite utrum sit elegantius et partibus utilius Treboni mortem persequi an Caesaris , et utrum sit aequius concurrere nos quo facilius reviviscat Pompeianorum causa totiens iugulata , an consentire ne ludibrio simus inimicis .’ Si esset iugulata , numquam exsurgeret : quod tibi tuisque contingat . ‘Vtrum ’ inquit ‘elegantius .’ Atqui hoc bello de elegantia quaeritur !
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“Consider then, both of you, whether it is more becoming and more advantageous for your party, for you to seek to avenge the death of Trebonius, or that of Caesar; and whether it is more reasonable for you and me to meet in battle, in order that the cause of the Pompeians, which has so frequently had its throat cut, may the more easily revive; or to agree together, so as not to be a laughing-stock to our enemies.” If its throat had been cut, it never could revive. “Which,” says he, “is more becoming.” In this war he talks of what is becoming! |
| 495 |
' et partibus utilius .’ Partes , furiose , dicuntur in foro , in curia . Bellum contra patriam nefarium suscepisti ; oppugnas Mutinam , circumsedes consulem designatum ; bellum contra te duo consules gerunt cumque eis pro praetore Caesar ; cuncta contra te Italia armata est . Istas tu partis potius quam a populo Romano defectionem vocas ? Potiusne Treboni mortem quam Caesaris persequimur . Treboni satis persecuti sumus hoste iudicato Dolabella ; Caesaris mors facillime defenditur oblivione et silentio . Sed videte quid moliatur . Cum mortem Caesaris ulciscendam putat , mortem proponit non eis solum qui illam rem gesserunt sed eis etiam si qui non moleste tulerunt .
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“And more advantageous for your party.”—“Parties,” you senseless man, is a suitable expression for the forum, or the senate house. You have declared a wicked war against your country; you are attacking Mutina; you are besieging the consul elect; two consuls are carrying on war against you; and with them, Caesar, the propraetor; all Italy is armed against you; and then do you call yours “a party,” instead of a revolt from the republic? “To seek to avenge the death of Trebonius, or that of Caesar.” We have avenged Trebonius sufficiently by pronouncing Dolabella a public enemy. The death of Caesar is best defended by oblivion and silence. But take notice what his object is.—When he thinks that the death of Caesar ought to be revenged, he is threatening with death, not those only who perpetrated that action, but those also who were not indignant at it. |
| 496 |
' Quibus , utri nostrum ceciderint , lucro futurum est , quod spectaculum adhuc ipsa Fortuna vitavit , ne videret unius corporis duas acies lanista Cicerone dimicantis : qui usque eo felix est ut isdem ornamentis deceperit vos quibus deceptum Caesarem gloriatus est .’ Pergit in me maledicta dicere , quasi vero ei pulcherrime priora processerint : quem ego inustum verissimis maledictorum notis tradam hominum memoriae sempiternae . Ego lanista ? Et quidem non insipiens : deteriores enim iugulari cupio , meliores vincere . ‘Vtri ceciderint ,’ scribit ‘lucro nobis futurum . '
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“Men who will count the destruction of either you or me gain to them. A spectacle which as yet fortune herself has taken care to avoid, unwilling to see two armies which belong to one body fighting, with Cicero acting as master of the show; a fellow who is so far happy that he has cajoled you both with the same compliments as those with which he boasted that he had deceived Caesar.” He proceeds in his abuse of me, as if he had been very fortunate in all his former reproaches of me; but I will brand him with the most thoroughly deserved marks of infamy, and pillory him for the everlasting recollection of posterity. I a “master of the show of gladiators!” indeed he is not wholly wrong, for I do wish to see the worst party slain, and the best victorious! He writes that “whichever of them are destroyed we shall count as so much gain.” |
| 497 |
O praeclarum lucrum , cum te victore —quod di omen avertant !—beata mors eorum futura sit qui e vita excesserint sine tormentis . A me ‘deceptos ’ ait ‘isdem ornamentis ’ Hirtium et Caesarem . Quod , quaeso , adhuc a me est tributum Hirtio ornamentum ? nam Caesari plura et maiora debentur . Deceptum autem patrem a me dicere audes ? Tu , tu , inquam , illum occidisti Lupercalibus : cuius , homo ingratissime , flaminium cur reliquisti ? Sed iam videte magni et clari viri admirabilem gravitatem atque constantiam :
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Admirable gain, when, if you, O Antonius, are victorious (may the gods avert such a disaster!) the death of those men who depart from life untortured will be accounted happy! He says that Hirtius and Caesar “have been cajoled by me by the same compliments.” I should like to know what compliment has been as yet paid to Hirtius by me; for still more and greater ones than have been paid him already are due to Caesar. But do you, O Antonius, dare to say that Caesar, the father, was deceived by me! You, it was you, I say, who really slew him at the Lupercal games. Why, O most ungrateful of men, have you abandoned your office of priest to him? But remark now the admirable wisdom and consistency of this great and illustrious man. |
| 498 |
' Mihi quidem constat nec meam contumeliam nec meorum ferre , nec deserere partis quas Pompeius odivit nec veteranos sedibus suis moveri pati nec singulos ad cruciatum trahi nec fallere fidem quam dedi Dolabellae .’ Omitto alia : fidem Dolabellae , sanctissimi viri , deserere homo pius non potest . Quam fidem ? an optimi cuiusque caedis , urbis et Italiae partitionis , vastandarum diripiendarumque provinciarum ? Nam quid erat aliud quod inter Antonium et Dolabellam , impurissimos parricidas , foedere et fide sanciretur ?
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“I am quite resolved to brook no insult either to myself or to my friends; nor to desert that party which Pompeius hated, nor to allow the veterans to be removed from their abodes; nor to allow individuals to be dragged out to torture, nor to violate the faith which I pledged to Dolabella.” I say nothing of the rest of this sentence, “the faith pledged to Dolabella,” to that most holy man, this pious gentleman will by no means violate. What faith? Was it a pledge to murder every virtuous citizen, to partition the city and Italy, to distribute the provinces among, and to hand them over to be plundered by, their followers? For what else was there which could have been ratified by treaty and mutual pledges between Antonius and Dolabella, those foul and parricidal traitors? |
| 499 |
' nec Lepidi societatem violare , piissimi hominis .’ Tibi cum Lepido societas aut cum ullo , non dicam bono civi , sicut ille est , sed homine sano ? Id agis ut Lepidum aut impium aut insanum existimari velis . Nihil agis —quamquam adfirmare de altero difficile est —de Lepido praesertim , quem ego metuam numquam ; bene sperabo , dum licebit . Revocare te a furore Lepidus voluit , non adiutor esse dementiae . Tu porro ne pios quidem , sed piissimos quaeris et , quod verbum omnino nullum in lingua Latina est , id propter tuam divinam pietatem novum inducis .
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“Nor to violate my treaty of alliance with Lepidus, the most conscientious of men.” You have any alliance with Lepidus or with any (I will not say virtuous citizen, as he is, but with any) man in his senses! Your object is to make Lepidus appear either an impious man, or a madman. But you are doing no good (although it is a hard matter to speak positively of another), especially with a man like Lepidus, whom I will never fear, but I shall hope good things of him unless I am prevented from doing so. Lepidus wished to recall you from your frenzy, not to be the assistant of your insanity. But you seek your friends not only among conscientious men, but among most conscientious men. And you actually, godlike is your piety, invent a new word to express it which has no existence in the Latin language. |
| 500 |
' nec Plancum prodere participem consiliorum .’ Plancum participem ? cuius memorabilis ac divina virtus lucem adfert rei publicae —nisi forte eum subsidio tibi venire arbitraris cum fortissimis legionibus , maximo equitatu peditatu que Gallorum —quique , nisi ante eius adventum rei publicae poenas dederis , ipse huius belli feret principatum . Quamquam enim prima praesidia utiliora rei publicae sunt , tamen extrema sunt gratiora .
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“Nor to betray Plancus, the partner of my counsels.)“ Plancus, the partner of your counsels? He, whose ever memorable and divine virtue brings a light to the republic (unless, perhaps, you think that it is as a reinforcement to you that he has come with those most gallant legions, and with a numerous Gallic force of both cavalry and infantry); and who, if before his arrival you have not by your punishment made atonement to the republic for your wickedness, will be chief leader in this war. For although the first succors that arrive are more useful to the republic, yet the last are the more acceptable. |
| 501 |
Sed iam se conligit et ad extremum incipit philosophari : ‘Si me rectis sensibus euntem di immortales , ut spero , adiuverint , vivam libenter . Sin autem me aliud fatum manet , praecipio gaudia suppliciorum vestrorum . Namque si victi Pompeiani tam insolentes sunt , victores quales futuri sint vos potius experiemini .’ Praecipias licet gaudia : non enim tibi cum Pompeianis , sed cum universa re publica bellum est . Omnes te di homines , summi medii infimi , cives peregrini , viri mulieres , liberi servi oderunt . Sensimus hoc nuper falso nuntio ; vero prope diem sentiemus . Quae si tecum ipse recolueris , aequiore animo et maiore consolatione moriere .
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However, at last he recollects himself and begins to philosophize. “If the immortal gods assist me, as I trust that they will, going on my way with proper feelings, I shall live happily; but if another fate awaits me, I have already a foretaste of joy in the certainty of your punishment. For if the Pompeians when defeated are so insolent, you will be sure to experience what they will be when victorious.” You are very welcome to your foretaste of joy. For you are at war not only with the Pompeians, but with the entire republic. Every one, gods and men, the highest rank, the middle class, the lowest dregs of the people, citizens and foreigners, men and women, free men and slaves, all hate you. We saw this the other day on some false news that came; but we shall soon see it from the way in which true news is received. And if you ponder these things with yourself a little, you will die with more equanimity, and greater comfort. |
| 502 |
' Denique summa iudici mei spectat huc ut meorum iniurias ferre possim , si aut oblivisci velint ipsi fecisse aut ulcisci parati sunt una nobiscum Caesaris mortem .’ Hac Antoni sententia cognita dubitaturumne A . Hirtium aut C . Pansam consules putatis quin ad Antonium transeant , Brutum obsideant , Mutinam expugnare cupiant ? Quid de Pansa et Hirtio loquor ? Caesar , singulari pietate adulescens , poteritne se tenere quin D . Bruti sanguine poenas patrias persequatur ? Itaque fecerunt ut his litteris lectis ad munitiones propius accederent . Quo maior adulescens Caesar , maioreque deorum immortalium beneficio rei publicae natus est , qui nulla specie paterni nominis nec pietate abductus umquam est et intellegit maximam pietatem conservatione patriae contineri .
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“Lastly, this is the sum of my opinion and determination; I will bear with the insults offered me by my friends, if they themselves are willing to forget that they have offered them; or if they are prepared to unite with me in avenging Caesar a death.” Now that they know this resolution of Antonius, do you think that Aulus Hirtius and Caius Pansa, the consuls, can hesitate to pass over to Antonius? to besiege Brutus? to be eager to attack Mutina? Why do I say Hirtius and Pansa? Will Caesar, that young man of singular piety, be able to restrain himself from seeking to avenge the injuries of his father in the blood of Decimus Brutus? Therefore, as soon as they had read his letter, the course which they adopted was to approach nearer to the fortifications. And on this account we ought to consider Caesar a still more admirable young man; and that a still greater kindness of the immortal gods which gave him to the republic, as he has never been misled by the specious use of his father's name; nor by any false idea of piety and affection. He sees clearly that the greatest piety consists in the salvation of one's country. |
| 503 |
Quod si partium certamen esset , quarum omnino nomen exstinctum est , Antoniusne potius et Ventidius partis Caesaris defenderent quam primum Caesar , adulescens summa pietate et memoria parentis sui , deinde Pansa et Hirtius , qui quasi cornua duo tenuerunt Caesaris tum cum illae vere partes vocabantur ? Hae vero quae sunt partes , cum alteris senatus auctoritas , populi Romani libertas , rei publicae salus proposita sit , alteris caedes bonorum , urbis Italiaeque partitio ?
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But if it were a contest between parties, the name of which is utterly extinct, then would Antonius and Ventidius be the proper persons to uphold the party of Caesar, rather than in the first place, Caesar, a young man full of the greatest piety and the most affectionate recollection of his parent? and next to him Pansa and Hirtius, who held (if I may use such an expression) the two horns of Caesar, at the time when that deserved to be called a party. But what parties are these, when the one proposes to itself to uphold the authority of the senate, the liberty of the Roman people, and the safety of the republic, while the other fixes its eyes on the slaughter of all good men, and on the partition of the city and of Italy! |
| 504 |
Veniamus aliquando ad clausulam . ‘Legatos venire non credo .’ Bene me novit , Reliqui veniant , proposito praesertim exemplo Dolabellae . Sanctiore erunt , credo , iure legati quam duo consules contra quos arma fert , quam Caesar cuius patris flamen est , quam consul designatus quem oppugnat , quam Mutina quam obsidet , quam patria cui igni ferroque minitatur . ' Cum venerint , quae postulant cognoscam .’ Quin tu abis in malam pestem malumque cruciatum ? Ad te quisquam veniat nisi Ventidi similis ? Oriens incendium qui restinguerent summos viros misimus ; repudiasti : nunc in tantam flammam tamque inveteratam mittamus , cum locum tibi reliquum non modo ad pacem sed ne ad deditionem quidem feceris ? Hanc ego epistulam , patres conscripti , non quo illum dignum putarem , recitavi , sed ut confessionibus ipsius omnia patefacta eius parricidia videretis .
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Let us come at last to the end. “I do not believe that ambassadors are coming—” He knows me well. “To a place where war exists.” Especially with the example of Dolabella before our eyes ambassadors, I should think, will have privileges more respected than two consuls against whom he is bearing arms; or than Caesar, whose father's priest he is; or than the consul elect, whom he is attacking; or than Mutina, which he is besieging; or than his country, which he is threatening with fire and sword. “When they do come I shall see what they demand. Plagues and tortures seize you! Will any one come to you unless he be a man like Ventidius? We sent men of the very highest character to extinguish the rising conflagration; you rejected them. Shall we now send men when the fire has become so large and has risen to such a height, and when you have left yourself no possible room, not only for peace, but not even for a surrender? I have read you this letter, O conscript fathers, not because I thought it worth reading, but in order to let you see all his parricidal treasons revealed by his own confessions. |