Gallic War (Julius Caesar)

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	Gallic War Author: Julius Caesar	Translator: W. A. McDevitte
43	Planities erat magna et in ea tumulus terrenus satis grandis . Hic locus aequum fere spatium a castris Ariovisti et Caesaris aberat . Eo , ut erat dictum , ad conloquium venerunt . Legionem Caesar , quam equis devexerat , passibus CC ab eo tumulo constituit . Item equites Ariovisti pari intervallo constiterunt . Ariovistus ex equis ut conloquerentur et praeter se denos ad conloquium adducerent postulavit . Ubi eo ventum est , Caesar initio orationis sua senatusque in eum beneficia commemoravit , quod rex appellatus esset a senatu , quod amicus , quod munera amplissime missa ; quam rem et paucis contigisse et pro magnis hominum officiis consuesse tribui docebat ; illum , cum neque aditum neque causam postulandi iustam haberet , beneficio ac liberalitate sua ac senatus ea praemia consecutum . Docebat etiam quam veteres quamque iustae causae necessitudinis ipsis cum Haeduis intercederent , quae senatus consulta quotiens quamque honorifica in eos facta essent , ut omni tempore totius Galliae principatum Haedui tenuissent , prius etiam quam nostram amicitiam adpetissent . Populi Romani hanc esse consuetudinem , ut socios atque amicos non modo sui nihil deperdere , sed gratia , dignitate , honore auctiores velit esse ; quod vero ad amicitiam populi Romani attulissent , id iis eripi quis pati posset ? Postulavit deinde eadem quae legatis in mandatis dederat : ne aut Haeduis aut eorum sociis bellum inferret , obsides redderet , si nullam partem Germanorum domum remittere posset , at ne quos amplius Rhenum transire pateretur .	There was a large plain, and in it a mound of earth of considerable size. This spot was at nearly an equal distance from both camps. Thither, as had been appointed, they came for the conference. Caesar stationed the legion, which he had brought [with him] on horseback, 200 paces from this mound. The cavalry of Ariovistus also took their stand at an equal distance. Ariovistus then demanded that they should confer on horseback, and that, besides themselves, they should bring with them ten men each to the conference. When they were come to the place, Caesar, in the opening of his speech, detailed his own and the senate's favors toward him [ Ariovistus], in that he had been styled king, in that [he had been styled] friend, by the senate-in that very considerable presents had been sent him; which circumstance he informed him had both fallen to the lot of few, and had usually been bestowed in consideration of important personal services; that he, although he had neither an introduction, nor a just ground for the request, had obtained these honors through the kindness and munificence of himself [ Caesar] and the senate. He informed him too, how old and how just were the grounds of connection that existed between themselves [the Romans] and the Aedui, what decrees of the senate had been passed in their favor, and how frequent and how honorable; how from time immemorial the Aedui had held the supremacy of the whole of Gaul; even [said Caesar] before they had sought our friendship; that it was the custom of the Roman people to desire not only that its allies and friends should lose none of their property, but be advanced in influence, dignity, and honor: who then could endure that what they had brought with them to the friendship of the Roman people should be torn from them?" He then made the same demands which he had commissioned the embassadors to make, that [ Ariovistus] should not make war either upon the Aedui or their allies, that he should restore the hostages; that if he could not send back to their country any part of the Germans, he should at all events suffer none of them any more to cross the Rhine.
44	Ariovistus ad postulata Caesaris pauca respondit , de suis virtutibus multa praedicavit : transisse Rhenum sese non sua sponte , sed rogatum et arcessitum a Gallis ; non sine magna spe magnisque praemiis domum propinquosque reliquisse ; sedes habere in Gallia ab ipsis concessas , obsides ipsorum voluntate datos ; stipendium capere iure belli , quod victores victis imponere consuerint . Non sese Gallis sed Gallos sibi bellum intulisse : omnes Galliae civitates ad se oppugnandum venisse ac contra se castra habuisse ; eas omnes copias a se uno proelio pulsas ac superatas esse . Si iterum experiri velint , se iterum paratum esse decertare ; si pace uti velint , iniquum esse de stipendio recusare , quod sua voluntate ad id tempus pependerint . Amicitiam populi Romani sibi ornamento et praesidio , non detrimento esse oportere , atque se hac spe petisse . Si per populum Romanum stipendium remittatur et dediticii subtrahantur , non minus libenter sese recusaturum populi Romani amicitiam quam adpetierit . Quod multitudinem Germanorum in Galliam traducat , id se sui muniendi , non Galliae oppugnandae causa facere ; eius rei testimonium esse quod nisi rogatus non venerit et quod bellum non intulerit sed defenderit . Se prius in Galliam venisse quam populum Romanum . Numquam ante hoc tempus exercitum populi Romani Galliae provinciae finibus egressum . Quid sibi vellet ? Cur in suas possessiones veniret ? Provinciam suam hanc esse Galliam , sicut illam nostram . Ut ipsi concedi non oporteret , si in nostros fines impetum faceret , sic item nos esse iniquos , quod in suo iure se interpellaremus . Quod fratres a senatu Haeduos appellatos diceret , non se tam barbarum neque tam imperitum esse rerum ut non sciret neque bello Allobrogum proximo Haeduos Romanis auxilium tulisse neque ipsos in iis contentionibus quas Haedui secum et cum Sequanis habuissent auxilio populi Romani usos esse . Debere se suspicari simulata Caesarem amicitia , quod exercitum in Gallia habeat , sui opprimendi causa habere . Qui nisi decedat atque exercitum deducat ex his regionibus , sese illum non pro amico sed pro hoste habiturum . Quod si eum interfecerit , multis sese nobilibus principibusque populi Romani gratum esse facturum ( id se ab ipsis per eorum nuntios compertum habere ) , quorum omnium gratiam atque amicitiam eius morte redimere posset . Quod si decessisset et liberam possessionem Galliae sibi tradidisset , magno se illum praemio remuneraturum et quaecumque bella geri vellet sine ullo eius labore et periculo confecturum .	Ariovistus briefly replied to the demands of Caesar; but expatiated largely on his own virtues, "that he had crossed the Rhine not of his own accord, but on being invited and sent for by the Gauls; that he had not left home and kindred without great expectations and great rewards; that he had settlements in Gaul, granted by the Gauls themselves; that the hostages had been given by their good-will; that he took by right of war the tribute which conquerors are accustomed to impose on the conquered; that he had not made war upon the Gauls, but the Gauls upon him; that all the states of Gaul came to attack him, and had encamped against him; that all their forces had been routed and beaten by him in a single battle; that if they chose to make a second trial, he was ready to encounter them again; but if they chose to enjoy peace, it was unfair to refuse the tribute, which of their own free-will they had paid up to that time. That the friendship of the Roman people ought to prove to him an ornament and a safeguard, not a detriment; and that he sought it with that expectation. But if through the Roman people the tribute was to be discontinued, and those who surrendered to be seduced from him, he would renounce the friendship of the Roman people no less heartily than he had sought it. As to his leading over a host of Germans into Gaul, that he was doing this with a view of securing himself, not of assaulting Gaul: that there was evidence of this, in that he did not come without being invited, and in that he did not make war, but merely warded it off. That he had come into Gaul before the Roman people. That never before this time did a Roman army go beyond the frontiers of the province of Gaul. What [said he] does [ Caesar] desire?- why come into his [ Ariovistus] domains?-that this was his province of Gaul, just as that is ours. As it ought not to be pardoned in him, if he were to make an attack upon our territories; so, likewise, that we were unjust, to obstruct him in his prerogative. As for Caesar's saying that the Aedui had been styled 'brethren' by the senate, he was not so uncivilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to know that the Aedui in the very last war with the Allobroges had neither rendered assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the Roman people in the struggles which the Aedui had been maintaining with him and with the Sequani. He must feel suspicious, that Caesar, though feigning friendship as the reason for his keeping an army in Gaul, was keeping it with the view of crushing him. And that unless he depart and withdraw his army from these parts, he shall regard him not as a friend, but as a foe; and that, even if he should put him to death, he should do what would please many of the nobles and leading men of the Roman people; he had assurance of that from themselves through their messengers, and could purchase the favor and the friendship of them all by his [Caesar's] death. But if he would depart and resign to him the free possession of Gaul, he would recompense him with a great reward, and would bring to a close whatever wars he wished to be carried on, without any trouble or risk to him."
45	Multa a Caesare in eam sententiam dicta sunt quare negotio desistere non posset : neque suam neque populi Romani consuetudinem pati ut optime meritos socios desereret , neque se iudicare Galliam potius esse Ariovisti quam populi Romani . Bello superatos esse Arvernos et Rutenos a Q . Fabio Maximo , quibus populus Romanus ignovisset neque in provinciam redegisset neque stipendium posuisset . Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectari oporteret , populi Romani iustissimum esse in Gallia imperium ; si iudicium senatus observari oporteret , liberam debere esse Galliam , quam bello victam suis legibus uti voluisset .	Many things were stated by Caesar to the effect [to show]; "why he could not waive the business, and that neither his nor the Roman people's practice would suffer him to abandon most meritorious allies, nor did he deem that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to the Roman people; that the Arverni and the Ruteni had been subdued in war by Quintus Fabius Maximus, and that the Roman people had pardoned them and had not reduced them into a province or imposed a tribute upon them. And if the most ancient period was to be regarded-then was the sovereignty of the Roman people in Gaul most just: if the decree of the Senate was to be observed, then ought Gaul to be free, which they [the Romans] had conquered in war, and had permitted to enjoy its own laws."
46	Dum haec in conloquio geruntur , Caesari nuntiatum est equites Ariovisti propius tumulum accedere et ad nostros adequitare , lapides telaque in nostros coicere . Caesar loquendi finem fecit seque ad suos recepit suisque imperavit ne quod omnino telum in hostes reicerent . Nam etsi sine ullo periculo legionis delectae cum equitatu proelium fore videbat , tamen committendum non putabat ut , pulsis hostibus , dici posset eos ab se per fidem in conloquio circumventos . Postea quam in vulgus militum elatum est qua arrogantia in conloquio Ariovistus usus omni Gallia Romanis interdixisset , impetumque in nostros eius equites fecissent , eaque res conloquium ut diremisset , multo maior alacritas studiumque pugnandi maius exercitui iniectum est .	While these things are being transacted in the conference it was announced to Caesar that the cavalry of Ariovistus were approaching nearer the mound, and were riding up to our men, and casting stones and weapons at them. Caesar made an end of his speech and betook himself to his men; and commanded them that they should by no means return a weapon upon the enemy. For though he saw that an engagement with the cavalry would be without any danger to his chosen legion, yet he did not think proper to engage, lest, after the enemy were routed, it might be said that they had been insnared by him under the sanction of a conference. When it was spread abroad among the common soldiery with what haughtiness Ariovistus had behaved at the conference, and how he had ordered the Romans to quit Gaul, and how his cavalry had made an attack upon our men, and how this had broken off the conference, a much greater alacrity and eagerness for battle was infused into our army.
47	Biduo post Ariovistus ad Caesarem legatos misit : velle se de iis rebus quae inter eos egi coeptae neque perfectae essent agere cum eo : uti aut iterum conloquio diem constitueret aut , si id minus vellet , ex suis legatis aliquem ad se mitteret . Conloquendi Caesari causa visa non est , et eo magis quod pridie eius diei Germani retineri non potuerant quin tela in nostros coicerent . Legatum ex suis sese magno cum periculo ad eum missurum et hominibus feris obiecturum existimabat . Commodissimum visum est C . Valerium Procillum , C . Valerii Caburi filium , summa virtute et humanitate adulescentem , cuius pater a C . Valerio Flacco civitate donatus erat , et propter fidem et propter linguae Gallicae scientiam , qua multa iam Ariovistus longinqua consuetudine utebatur , et quod in eo peccandi Germanis causa non esset , ad eum mittere , et una M . Metium , qui hospitio Ariovisti utebatur . His mandavit quae diceret Ariovistus cognoscerent et ad se referrent . Quos cum apud se in castris Ariovistus conspexisset , exercitu suo praesente conclamavit : quid ad se venirent ? an speculandi causa ? Conantes dicere prohibuit et in catenas coniecit .	Two days after, Ariovistus sends embassadors to Caesar, to state "that he wished to treat with him about those things which had been begun to be treated of between them, but had not been concluded;" [and to beg] that "he would either again appoint a day for a conference; or, if he were not willing to do that, that he would send one of his [officers] as an embassador to him." There did not appear to Caesar any good reason for holding a conference; and the more so as the day before the Germans could not be restrained from casting weapons at our men. He thought he should not without great danger send to him as embassador one of his [ Roman] officers, and should expose him to savage men. It seemed [therefore] most proper to send to him C. Valerius Procillus, the son of C. Valerius Caburus, a young man of the highest courage and accomplishments (whose father had been presented with the freedom of the city by C. Valerius Flaccus), both on account of his fidelity and on account of his knowledge of the Gallic language, which Ariovistus, by long practice, now spoke fluently; and because in his case the Germans would have no motive for committing violence; and [as his colleague] M. Mettius, who had shared the hospitality of Ariovistus. He commissioned them to learn what Ariovistus had to say, and to report to him. But when Ariovistus saw them before him in his camp, he cried out in the presence of his army, "Why were they come to him? Was it for the purpose of acting as spies?" He stopped them when attempting to speak, and cast them into chains.
48	Eodem die castra promovit et milibus passuum VI a Caesaris castris sub monte consedit . Postridie eius diei praeter castra Caesaris suas copias traduxit et milibus passuum duobus ultra eum castra fecit eo consilio uti frumento commeatuque qui ex Sequanis et Haeduis supportaretur Caesarem intercluderet . Ex eo die dies continuos V Caesar pro castris suas copias produxit et aciem instructam habuit , ut , si vellet Ariovistus proelio contendere , ei potestas non deesset . Ariovistus his omnibus diebus exercitum castris continuit , equestri proelio cotidie contendit . Genus hoc erat pugnae , quo se Germani exercuerant : equitum milia erant VI , totidem numero pedites velocissimi ac fortissimi , quos ex omni copia singuli singulos suae salutis causa delegerant : cum his in proeliis versabantur , ad eos se equites recipiebant ; hi , si quid erat durius , concurrebant , si qui graviore vulnere accepto equo deciderat , circumsistebant ; si quo erat longius prodeundum aut celerius recipiendum , tanta erat horum exercitatione celeritas ut iubis sublevati equorum cursum adaequarent .	The same day he moved his camp forward and pitched under a hill six miles from Caesar's camp. The day following he led his forces past Caesar's camp, and encamped two miles beyond him; with this design that he might cut off Caesar from the corn and provisions, which might be conveyed to him from the Sequani and the Aedui. For five successive days from that day, Caesar drew out his forces before the camp, and put them in battle order, that, if Ariovistus should be willing to engage in battle, an opportunity might not be wanting to him. Ariovistus all this time kept his army in camp: but engaged daily in cavalry skirmishes. The method of battle in which the Germans had practiced themselves was this. There were 6,000 horse, and as many very active and courageous foot, one of whom each of the horse selected out of the whole army for his own protection. By these [foot] they were constantly accompanied in their engagements; to these the horse retired; these on any emergency rushed forward; if any one, upon receiving a very severe wound, had fallen from his horse, they stood around him: if it was necessary to advance further than usual, or to retreat more rapidly, so great, from practice, was their swiftness, that, supported by the manes of the horses, they could keep pace with their speed.
49	Ubi eum castris se tenere Caesar intellexit , ne diutius commeatu prohiberetur , ultra eum locum , quo in loco Germani consederant , circiter passus DC ab his , castris idoneum locum delegit acieque triplici instructa ad eum locum venit . Primam et secundam aciem in armis esse , tertiam castra munire iussit . [ Hic locus ab hoste circiter passus DC , uti dictum est , aberat . ] Eo circiter hominum XVI milia expedita cum omni equitatu Ariovistus misit , quae copiae nostros terrerent et munitione prohiberent . Nihilo setius Caesar , ut ante constituerat , duas acies hostem propulsare , tertiam opus perficere iussit . Munitis castris duas ibi legiones reliquit et partem auxiliorum , quattuor reliquas legiones in castra maiora reduxit .	Perceiving that Ariovistus kept himself in camp, Caesar, that he might not any longer be cut off from provisions, chose a convenient position for a camp beyond that place in which the Germans had encamped, at about 600 paces from them, and having drawn up his army in three lines, marched to that place. He ordered the first and second lines to be under arms; the third to fortify the camp. This place was distant from the enemy about 600 paces, as has been stated. Thither Ariovistus sent light troops, about 16,000 men in number, with all his cavalry; which forces were to intimidate our men, and hinder them in their fortification. Caesar nevertheless, as he had before arranged, ordered two lines to drive off the enemy: the third to execute the work. The camp being fortified, he left there two legions and a portion of the auxiliaries; and led back the other four legions into the larger camp.
50	Proximo die instituto suo Caesar ex castris utrisque copias suas eduxit paulumque a maioribus castris progressus aciem instruxit hostibusque pugnandi potestatem fecit . Ubi ne tum quidem eos prodire intellexit , circiter meridiem exercitum in castra reduxit . Tum demum Ariovistus partem suarum copiarum , quae castra minora oppugnaret , misit . Acriter utrimque usque ad vesperum pugnatum est . Solis occasu suas copias Ariovistus multis et inlatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra reduxit . Cum ex captivis quaereret Caesar quam ob rem Ariovistus proelio non decertaret , hanc reperiebat causam , quod apud Germanos ea consuetudo esset ut matres familiae eorum sortibus et vaticinationibus declararent utrum proelium committi ex usu esset necne ; eas ita dicere : non esse fas Germanos superare , si ante novam lunam proelio contendissent .	The next day, according to his custom, Caesar led out his forces from both camps, and having advanced a little from the larger one, drew up his line of battle, and gave the enemy an opportunity of fighting. When he found that they did not even then come out [from their intrenchments,] he led back his army into camp about noon. Then at last Ariovistus sent part of his forces to attack the lesser camp. The battle was vigorously maintained on both sides till the evening. At sunset, after many wounds had been inflicted and received, Ariovistus led back his forces into camp. When Caesar inquired of his prisoners, wherefore Ariovistus did not come to an engagement, he discovered this to be the reason-that among the Germans it was the custom for their matrons to pronounce from lots and divination, whether it were expedient that the battle should be engaged in or not; that they had said, "that it was not the will of heaven that the Germans should conquer, if they engaged in battle before the new moon."
51	Postridie eius diei Caesar praesidio utrisque castris quod satis esse visum est reliquit , alarios omnes in conspectu hostium pro castris minoribus constituit , quod minus multitudine militum legionariorum pro hostium numero valebat , ut ad speciem alariis uteretur ; ipse triplici instructa acie usque ad castra hostium accessit . Tum demum necessario Germani suas copias castris eduxerunt generatimque constituerunt paribus intervallis , Harudes , Marcomanos , Tribocos , Vangiones , Nemetes , Sedusios , Suebos , omnemque aciem suam raedis et carris circumdederunt , ne qua spes in fuga relinqueretur . Eo mulieres imposuerunt , quae ad proelium proficiscentes milites passis manibus flentes implorabant ne se in servitutem Romanis traderent .	The day following, Caesar left what seemed sufficient as a guard for both camps; [and then] drew up all the auxiliaries in sight of the enemy, before the lesser camp, because he was not very powerful in the number of legionary soldiers, considering the number of the enemy; that [thereby] he might make use of his auxiliaries for appearance. He himself, having drawn up his army in three lines, advanced to the camp of the enemy. Then at last of necessity the Germans drew their forces out of camp, and disposed them canton by canton, at equal distances, the Harudes, Marcomanni, Tribocci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, Suevi; and surrounded their whole army with their chariots and wagons, that no hope might be left in flight. On these they placed their women, who, with disheveled hair and in tears, entreated the soldiers, as they went forward to battle, not to deliver them into slavery to the Romans.
52	Caesar singulis legionibus singulos legatos et quaestorem praefecit , uti eos testes suae quisque virtutis haberet ; ipse a dextro cornu , quod eam partem minime firmam hostium esse animadverterat , proelium commisit . Ita nostri acriter in hostes signo dato impetum fecerunt itaque hostes repente celeriterque procurrerunt , ut spatium pila in hostes coiciendi non daretur . Relictis pilis comminus gladiis pugnatum est . At Germani celeriter ex consuetudine sua phalange facta impetus gladiorum exceperunt . Reperti sunt complures nostri qui in phalanga insilirent et scuta manibus revellerent et desuper vulnerarent . Cum hostium acies a sinistro cornu pulsa atque in fugam coniecta esset , a dextro cornu vehementer multitudine suorum nostram aciem premebant . Id cum animadvertisset P . Crassus adulescens , qui equitatui praeerat , quod expeditior erat quam ii qui inter aciem versabantur , tertiam aciem laborantibus nostris subsidio misit .	Caesar appointed over each legion a lieutenant and a questor, that every one might have them as witnesses of his valor. He himself began the battle at the head of the right wing, because he had observed that part of the enemy to be the least strong. Accordingly our men, upon the signal being given, vigorously made an attack upon the enemy, and the enemy so suddenly and rapidly rushed forward, that there was no time for casting the javelins at them. Throwing aside [therefore] their javelins, they fought with swords hand to hand. But the Germans, according to their custom, rapidly forming a phalanx, sustained the attack of our swords. There were found very many of our soldiers who leaped upon the phalanx, and with their hands tore away the shields, and wounded the enemy from above. Although the army of the enemy was routed on the left wing and put to flight, they [still] pressed heavily on our men from the right wing, by the great number of their troops. On observing which, P. Crassus, a young man, who commanded the cavalry-as he was more disengaged than those who were employed in the fight-sent the third line as a relief to our men who were in distress.
53	Ita proelium restitutum est , atque omnes hostes terga verterunt nec prius fugere destiterunt quam ad flumen Rhenum milia passuum ex eo loco circiter L pervenerunt . Ibi perpauci aut viribus confisi tranare contenderunt aut lintribus inventis sibi salutem reppererunt . In his fuit Ariovistus , qui naviculam deligatam ad ripam nactus ea profugit ; reliquos omnes consecuti equites nostri interfecerunt . Duae fuerunt Ariovisti uxores , una Sueba natione , quam domo secum eduxerat , altera Norica , regis Voccionis soror , quam in Gallia duxerat a fratre missam : utraque in ea fuga periit ; duae filiae : harum altera occisa , altera capta est . C . Valerius Procillus , cum a custodibus in fuga trinis catenis vinctus traheretur , in ipsum Caesarem hostes equitatu insequentem incidit . Quae quidem res Caesari non minorem quam ipsa victoria voluptatem attulit , quod hominem honestissimum provinciae Galliae , suum familiarem et hospitem , ereptum ex manibus hostium sibi restitutum videbat neque eius calamitate de tanta voluptate et gratulatione quicquam fortuna deminuerat . Is se praesente de se ter sortibus consultum dicebat , utrum igni statim necaretur an in aliud tempus reservaretur : sortium beneficio se esse incolumem . Item M . Metius repertus et ad eum reductus est .	Thereupon the engagement was renewed, and all the enemy turned their backs, nor did they cease to flee until they arrived at the river Rhine, about fifty miles from that place. There some few, either relying on their strength, endeavored to swim over, or, finding boats, procured their safety. Among the latter was Ariovistus, who meeting with a small vessel tied to the bank, escaped in it; our horse pursued and slew all the rest of them. Ariovistus had two wives, one a Suevan by nation, whom he brought with him from home; the other a Norican, the sister of king Vocion, whom he had married in Gaul, she having been sent [thither for that purpose] by her brother. Both perished in that flight. Of their two daughters, one was slain, the other captured. C. Valerius Procillus, as he was being dragged by his guards in the fight, bound with a triple chain, fell into the hands of Caesar himself, as he was pursuing the enemy with his cavalry. This circumstance indeed afforded Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself; because he saw a man of the first rank in the province of Gaul, his intimate acquaintance and friend, rescued from the hand of the enemy, and restored to him, and that fortune had not diminished aught of the joy and exultation [of that day] by his destruction. He [Procillus] said that, in his own presence, the lots had been thrice consulted respecting him, whether he should immediately be put to death by fire, or be reserved for another time: that by the favor of the lots he was uninjured. M. Mettius, also, was found and brought back to him [Caesar.]
54	Hoc proelio trans Rhenum nuntiato , Suebi , qui ad ripas Rheni venerant , domum reverti coeperunt ; quos ubi qui proximi Rhenum incolunt perterritos senserunt , insecuti magnum ex iis numerum occiderunt . Caesar una aestate duobus maximis bellis confectis maturius paulo quam tempus anni postulabat in hiberna in Sequanos exercitum deduxit ; hibernis Labienum praeposuit ; ipse in citeriorem Galliam ad conventus agendos profectus est .	This battle having been reported beyond the Rhine, the Suevi, who had come to the banks of that river, began to return home, when the Ubii, who dwelt nearest to the Rhine, pursuing them, while much alarmed, slew a great number of them. Caesar having concluded two very important wars in one campaign, conducted his army into winter quarters among the Sequani, a little earlier than the season of the year required. He appointed Labienus over the winter-quarters, and set out in person for Hither Gaul to hold the assizes.
55	COMMENTARIUS SECUNDUS Cum esset Caesar in citeriore Gallia [ in hibernis ] , ita uti supra demonstravimus , crebri ad eum rumores adferebantur litterisque item Labieni certior fiebat omnes Belgas , quam tertiam esse Galliae partem dixeramus , contra populum Romanum coniurare obsidesque inter se dare . Coniurandi has esse causas : primum quod vererentur ne , omni pacata Gallia , ad eos exercitus noster adduceretur ; deinde quod ab non nullis Gallis sollicitarentur , partim qui , ut Germanos diutius in Gallia versari noluerant , ita populi Romani exercitum hiemare atque inveterascere in Gallia moleste ferebant , partim qui mobilitate et levitate animi novis imperiis studebant ; ab non nullis etiam quod in Gallia a potentioribus atque iis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habebant vulgo regna occupabantur ; qui minus facile eam rem imperio nostro consequi poterant .	While Caesar was in winter quarters in Hither Gaul, as we have shown above, frequent reports were brought to him, and he was also informed by letters from Labienus, that all the Belgae, who we have said are a third part of Gaul, were entering into a confederacy against the Roman people, and giving hostages to one another; that the reasons of the confederacy were these-first, because they feared that, after all [Celtic] Gaul was subdued, our army would be led against them; secondly, because they were instigated by several of the Gauls; some of whom as [on the one hand] they had been unwilling that the Germans should remain any longer in Gaul, so [on the other] they were dissatisfied that the army of the Roman people should pass the winter in it, and settle there; and others of them, from a natural instability and fickleness of disposition, were anxious for a revolution; [the Belgae were instigated] by several, also, because the government in Gaul was generally seized upon by the more powerful persons and by those who had the means of hiring troops, and they could less easily effect this object under our dominion.
56	His nuntiis litterisque commotus Caesar duas legiones in citeriore Gallia novas conscripsit et inita aestate in ulteriorem Galliam qui deduceret Q . Pedium legatum misit . Ipse , cum primum pabuli copia esse inciperet , ad exercitum venit . Dat negotium Senonibus reliquisque Gallis qui finitimi Belgis erant uti ea quae apud eos gerantur cognoscant seque de his rebus certiorem faciant . Hi constanter omnes nuntiaverunt manus cogi , exercitum in unum locum conduci . Tum vero dubitandum non existimavit quin ad eos proficisceretur . Re frumentaria provisa castra movet diebusque circiter XV ad fines Belgarum pervenit .	Alarmed by these tidings and letters, Caesar levied two new legions in Hither Gaul, and, at the beginning of summer, sent Q. Pedius, his lieutenant, to conduct them further into Gaul. He, himself, as soon as there began to be plenty of forage, came to the army. He gives a commission to the Senones and the other Gauls who were neighbors of the Belgae, to learn what is going on among them [i.e. the Belgae], and inform him of these matters. These all uniformly reported that troops were being raised, and that an army was being collected in one place. Then, indeed, he thought that he ought not to hesitate about proceeding toward them, and having provided supplies, moves his camp, and in about fifteen days arrives at the territories of the Belgae.