Gallic War |
Translator: W. A. McDevitte
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In castris Helvetiorum tabulae repertae sunt litteris Graecis confectae et ad Caesarem relatae , quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat , qui numerus domo exisset eorum qui arma ferre possent , et item separatim , quot pueri , senes mulieresque . [ Quarum omnium rerum ] summa erat capitum Helvetiorum milium CCLXIII , Tulingorum milium XXXVI , Latobrigorum XIIII , Rauracorum XXIII , Boiorum XXXII ; ex his qui arma ferre possent ad milia nonaginta duo . Summa omnium fuerunt ad milia CCCLXVIII . Eorum qui domum redierunt censu habito , ut Caesar imperaverat , repertus est numerus milium C et X .
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In the camp of the Helvetii, lists were found, drawn up in Greek characters, and were brought to Caesar, in which an estimate had been drawn up, name by name, of the number which had gone forth from their country of those who were able to bear arms; and likewise the boys, the old men, and the women, separately. Of all which items the total was: Of the Helvetii [lit. of the heads of the Helvetii] 263,000 Of the Tulingi 36,000 Of the Latobrigi 14,000 Of the Rauraci 23,000 Of the Boii 32,000 The sum of all amounted to 368,000 Out of these, such as could bear arms, [amounted] to about 92,000. When the census of those who returned home was taken, as Caesar had commanded, the number was found to be 110,000. |
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Bello Helvetiorum confecto totius fere Galliae legati , principes civitatum , ad Caesarem gratulatum convenerunt : intellegere sese , tametsi pro veteribus Helvetiorum iniuriis populi Romani ab his poenas bello repetisset , tamen eam rem non minus ex usu [ terrae ] Galliae quam populi Romani accidisse , propterea quod eo consilio florentissimis rebus domos suas Helvetii reliquissent uti toti Galliae bellum inferrent imperioque potirentur , locumque domicilio ex magna copia deligerent quem ex omni Gallia oportunissimum ac fructuosissimum iudicassent , reliquasque civitates stipendiarias haberent . Petierunt uti sibi concilium totius Galliae in diem certam indicere idque Caesaris facere voluntate liceret : sese habere quasdam res quas ex communi consensu ab eo petere vellent . Ea re permissa diem concilio constituerunt et iure iurando ne quis enuntiaret , nisi quibus communi consilio mandatum esset , inter se sanxerunt .
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When the war with the Helvetii was concluded, embassadors from almost all parts of Gaul, the chiefs of states, assembled to congratulate Caesar, [saying] that they were well aware, that, although he had taken vengeance on the Helvetii in war, for the old wrong done by them to the Roman people, yet that circumstance had happened no less to the benefit of the land of Gaul than of the Roman people, because the Helvetii, while their affairs were most flourishing, had quitted their country with the design of making war upon the whole of Gaul, and seizing the government of it, and selecting, out of a great abundance, that spot for an abode, which they should judge to be the most convenient and most productive of all Gaul, and hold the rest of the states as tributaries. They requested that they might be allowed to proclaim an assembly of the whole of Gaul for a particular day, and to do that with Caesar's permission, [stating] that they had some things which, with the general consent, they wished to ask of him. This request having been granted, they appointed a day for the assembly, and ordained by an oath with each other, that no one should disclose [their deliberations] except those to whom this [office] should be assigned by the general assembly. |
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Eo concilio dimisso , idem princeps civitatum qui ante fuerant ad Caesarem reverterunt petieruntque uti sibi secreto in occulto de sua omniumque salute cum eo agere liceret . Ea re impetrata sese omnes flentes Caesari ad pedes proiecerunt : non minus se id contendere et laborare ne ea quae dixissent enuntiarentur quam uti ea quae vellent impetrarent , propterea quod , si enuntiatum esset , summum in cruciatum se venturos viderent . Locutus est pro his Diviciacus Haeduus : Galliae totius factiones esse duas ; harum alterius principatum tenere Haeduos , alterius Arvernos . Hi cum tantopere de potentatu inter se multos annos contenderent , factum esse uti ab Arvernis Sequanisque Germani mercede arcesserentur . Horum primo circiter milia XV Rhenum transisse ; postea quam agros et cultum et copias Gallorum homines feri ac barbari adamassent , traductos plures ; nunc esse in Gallia ad C et XX milium numerum . Cum his Haeduos eorumque clientes semel atque iterum armis contendisse ; magnam calamitatem pulsos accepisse , omnem nobilitatem , omnem senatum , omnem equitatum amisisse . Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos , qui et sua virtute et populi Romani hospitio atque amicitia plurimum ante in Gallia potuissent , coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare nobilissimos civitatis et iure iurando civitatem obstringere sese neque obsides repetituros neque auxilium a populo Romano imploraturos neque recusaturos quo minus perpetuo sub illorum dicione atque imperio essent . Unum se esse ex omni civitate Haeduorum qui adduci non potuerit ut iuraret aut liberos suos obsides daret . Ob eam rem se ex civitate profugisse et Romam ad senatum venisse auxilium postulatum , quod solus neque iure iurando neque obsidibus teneretur . Sed peius victoribus Sequanis quam Haeduis victis accidisse , propterea quod Ariovistus , rex Germanorum , in eorum finibus consedisset tertiamque partem agri Sequani , qui esset optimus totius Galliae , occupavisset et nunc de altera parte tertia Sequanos decedere iuberet , propterea quod paucis mensibus ante Harudum milia hominum XXIIII ad eum venissent , quibus locus ac sedes pararentur . Futurum esse paucis annis uti omnes ex Galliae finibus pellerentur atque omnes Germani Rhenum transirent ; neque enim conferendum esse Gallicum cum Germanorum agro neque hanc consuetudinem victus cum illa comparandam . Ariovistum autem , ut semel Gallorum copias proelio vicerit , quod proelium factum sit ad Magetobrigam , superbe et crudeliter imperare , obsides nobilissimi cuiusque liberos poscere et in eos omnia exempla cruciatusque edere , si qua res non ad nutum aut ad voluntatem eius facta sit . Hominem esse barbarum , iracundum , temerarium : non posse eius imperia , diutius sustineri . Nisi quid in Caesare populoque Romano sit auxilii , omnibus Gallis idem esse faciendum quod Helvetii fecerint , ut domo emigrent , aliud domicilium , alias sedes , remotas a Germanis , petant fortunamque , quaecumque accidat , experiantur . Haec si enuntiata Ariovisto sint , non dubitare quin de omnibus obsidibus qui apud eum sint gravissimum supplicium sumat . Caesarem vel auctoritate sua atque exercitus vel recenti victoria vel nomine populi Romani deterrere posse ne maior multitudo Germanorum Rhenum traducatur , Galliamque omnem ab Ariovisti iniuria posse defendere .
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When that assembly was dismissed, the same chiefs of states, who had before been to Caesar, returned, and asked that they might be allowed to treat with him privately (in secret) concerning the safety of themselves and of all. That request having been obtained, they all threw themselves in tears at Caesar's feet, [saying] that they no less begged and earnestly desired that what they might say should not be disclosed, than that they might obtain those things which they wished for; inasmuch as they saw, that, if a disclosure was made, they should be put to the greatest tortures. For these Divitiacus the Aeduan spoke and told him: "That there were two parties in the whole of Gaul: that the Aedui stood at the head of one of these, the Arverni of the other. After these had been violently struggling with one another for the superiority for many years, it came to pass that the Germans were called in for hire by the Arverni and the Sequani. That about 15,000 of them [i.e. of the Germans] had at first crossed the Rhine: but after that these wild and savage men had become enamored of the lands and the refinement and the abundance of the Gauls, more were brought over, that there were now as many as 120,000 of them in Gaul: that with these the Aedui and their dependents had repeatedly struggled in arms-that they had been routed, and had sustained a great calamity-had lost all their nobility, all their senate, all their cavalry. And that broken by such engagements and calamities, although they had formerly been very powerful in Gaul, both from their own valor and from the Roman people's hospitality and friendship, they were now compelled to give the chief nobles of their state, as hostages to the Sequani, and to bind their state by an oath, that they would neither demand hostages in return, nor supplicate aid from the Roman people, nor refuse to be forever under their sway and empire. That he was the only one out of all the state of the Aedui, who could not be prevailed upon to take the oath or to give his children as hostages. On that account he had fled from his state and had gone to the senate at Rome to beseech aid, as he alone was bound neither by oath nor hostages. But a worse thing had befallen the victorious Sequani than the vanquished Aedui, for Ariovistus the king of the Germans, had settled in their territories, and had seized upon a third of their land, which was the best in the whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart from another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 men of the Harudes had come to him, for whom room and settlements must be provided. The consequence would be, that in a few years they would all be driven from the territories of Gaul, and all the Germans would cross the Rhine; for neither must the land of Gaul be compared with the land of the Germans, nor must the habit of living of the latter be put on a level with that of the former. Moreover, [as for] Ariovistus, no sooner did he defeat the forces of the Gauls in a battle which took place at Magetobria, than [he began] to lord it haughtily and cruelly, to demand as hostages the children of all the principal nobles, and wreak on them every kind of cruelty, if every thing was not done at his nod or pleasure; that he was a savage, passionate, and reckless man, and that his commands could no longer be borne. Unless there was some aid in Caesar and the Roman people, the Gauls must all do the same thing that the Helvetii have done, [viz.] emigrate from their country, and seek another dwelling place, other settlements remote from the Germans, and try whatever fortune may fall to their lot. If these things were to be disclosed to Ariovistus, [Divitiacus adds] that he doubts not that he would inflict the most severe punishment on all the hostages who are in his possession, [and says] that Caesar could, either by his own influence and by that of his army, or by his late victory, or by name of the Roman people, intimidate him, so as to prevent a greater number of Germans being brought over the Rhine, and could protect all Gaul from the outrages of Ariovistus. |
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Hac oratione ab Diviciaco habita omnes qui aderant magno fletu auxilium a Caesare petere coeperunt . Animadvertit Caesar unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil earum rerum facere quas ceteri facerent sed tristes capite demisso terram intueri . Eius rei quae causa esset miratus ex ipsis quaesiit . Nihil Sequani respondere , sed in eadem tristitia taciti permanere . Cum ab his saepius quaereret neque ullam omnino vocem exprimere posset , idem Diviacus Haeduus respondit : hoc esse miseriorem et graviorem fortunam Sequanorum quam reliquorum , quod soli ne in occulto quidem queri neque auxilium implorare auderent absentisque Ariovisti crudelitatem , velut si coram adesset , horrerent , propterea quod reliquis tamen fugae facultas daretur , Sequanis vero , qui intra fines suos Ariovistum recepissent , quorum oppida omnia in potestate eius essent , omnes cruciatus essent perferendi .
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When this speech had been delivered by Divitiacus, all who were present began with loud lamentation to entreat assistance of Caesar. Caesar noticed that the Sequani were the only people of all who did none of those things which the others did, but, with their heads bowed down, gazed on the earth in sadness. Wondering what was the reason of this conduct, he inquired of themselves. No reply did the Sequani make, but silently continued in the same sadness. When he had repeatedly inquired of them and could not elicit any answer at all, the same Divitiacus the Aeduan answered, that-"the lot of the Sequani was more wretched and grievous than that of the rest, on this account, because they alone durst not even in secret complain or supplicate aid; and shuddered at the cruelty of Ariovistus [even when] absent, just as if he were present; for, to the rest, despite of every thing there was an opportunity of flight given; but all tortures must be endured by the Sequani, who had admitted Ariovistus within their territories, and whose towns were all in his power." |
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His rebus cognitis Caesar Gallorum animos verbis confirmavit pollicitusque est sibi eam rem curae futuram ; magnam se habere spem et beneficio suo et auctoritate adductum Ariovistum finem iniuriis facturum . Hac oratione habita , concilium dimisit . Et secundum ea multae res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et suscipiendam putaret , in primis quod Haeduos , fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu appellatos , in servitute atque [ in ] dicione videbat Germanorum teneri eorumque obsides esse apud Ariovistum ac Sequanos intellegebat ; quod in tanto imperio populi Romani turpissimum sibi et rei publicae esse arbitrabatur . Paulatim autem Germanos consuescere Rhenum transire et in Galliam magnam eorum multitudinem venire populo Romano periculosum videbat , neque sibi homines feros ac barbaros temperaturos existimabat quin , cum omnem Galliam occupavissent , ut ante Cimbri Teutonique fecissent , in provinciam exirent atque inde in Italiam contenderent [ , praesertim cum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhodanus divideret ] ; quibus rebus quam maturrime occurrendum putabat . Ipse autem Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus , tantam arrogantiam sumpserat , ut ferendus non videretur .
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Caesar, on being informed of these things, cheered the minds of the Gauls with his words, and promised that this affair should be an object of his concern, [saying] that he had great hopes that Ariovistus, induced both by his kindness and his power, would put an end to his oppression. After delivering this speech, he dismissed the assembly; and, besides those statements, many circumstances induced him to think that this affair ought to be considered and taken up by him; especially as he saw that the Aedui, styled [as they had been] repeatedly by the senate "brethren" and "kinsmen," were held in the thraldom and dominion of the Germans, and understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequani, which in so mighty an empire [as that] of the Roman people he considered very disgraceful to himself and the republic. That, moreover, the Germans should by degrees become accustomed to cross the Rhine, and that a great body of them should come into Gaul, he saw [would be] dangerous to the Roman people, and judged, that wild and savage men would not be likely to restrain themselves, after they had possessed themselves of all Gaul, from going forth into the province and thence marching into Italy (as the Cimbri and Teutones had done before them), particularly as the Rhone [was the sole barrier that] separated the Sequani from our province. Against which events he thought he ought to provide as speedily as possible. Moreover, Ariovistus, for his part, had assumed to himself such pride and arrogance, that he was felt to be quite insufferable. |
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Quam ob rem placuit ei ut ad Ariovistum legatos mitteret , qui ab eo postularent uti aliquem locum medium utrisque conloquio deligeret : velle sese de re publica et summis utriusque rebus cum eo agere . Ei legationi Ariovistus respondit : si quid ipsi a Caesare opus esset , sese ad eum venturum fuisse ; si quid ille se velit , illum ad se venire oportere . Praeterea se neque sine exercitu in eas partes Galliae venire audere quas Caesar possideret , neque exercitum sine magno commeatu atque molimento in unum locum contrahere posse . Sibi autem mirum videri quid in sua Gallia , quam bello vicisset , aut Caesari aut omnino populo Romano negotii esset .
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He therefore determined to send embassadors to Ariovistus to demand of him to name some intermediate spot for a conference between the two, [saying] that he wished to treat him on state-business and matters of the highest importance to both of them. To this embassy Ariovistus replied, that if he himself had had need of any thing from Caesar, he would have gone to him; and that if Caesar wanted any thing from him he ought to come to him. That, besides, neither dare he go without an army into those parts of Gaul which Caesar had possession of, nor could he, without great expense and trouble, draw his army together to one place; that to him, moreover, it appeared strange, what business either Caesar or the Roman people at all had in his own Gaul, which he had conquered in war. |
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His responsis ad Caesarem relatis , iterum ad eum Caesar legatos cum his mandatis mittit : quoniam tanto suo populique Romani beneficio adfectus , cum in consulatu suo rex atque amicus a senatu appellatus esset , hanc sibi populoque Romano gratiam referret ut in conloquium venire invitatus gravaretur neque de communi re dicendum sibi et cognoscendum putaret , haec esse quae ab eo postularet : primum ne quam multitudinem hominum amplius trans Rhenum in Galliam traduceret ; deinde obsides quos haberet ab Haeduis redderet Sequanisque permitteret ut quos illi haberent voluntate eius reddere illis liceret ; neve Haeduos iniuria lacesseret neve his sociisque eorum bellum inferret . Si [ id ] ita fecisset , sibi populoque Romano perpetuam gratiam atque amicitiam cum eo futuram ; si non impetraret , sese , quoniam M . Messala , M . Pisone consulibus senatus censuisset uti quicumque Galliam provinciam obtineret , quod commodo rei publicae facere posset , Haeduos ceterosque amicos populi Romani defenderet , se Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum .
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When these answers were reported to Caesar, he sends embassadors to him a second time with this message. "Since, after having been treated with so much kindness by himself and the Roman people (as he had in his consulship been styled 'king and friend' by the senate [ 59 B.C.]), he makes this recompense to [ Caesar] himself and the Roman people, [viz.] that when invited to a conference he demurs, and does not think that it concerns him to advise and inform himself about an object of mutual interest, these are the things which he requires of him; first, that he do not any more bring over any body of men across the Rhine into Gaul; in the next place, that he restore the hostages, which he has from the Aedui, and grant the Sequani permission to restore to them with his consent those hostages which they have, and that he neither provoke the Aedui by outrage nor make war upon them or their allies; if he would accordingly do this," [Caesar says] that "he himself and the Roman people will entertain a perpetual feeling of favor and friendship toward him; but that if he [ Caesar] does not obtain [his desires] that he (forasmuch as in the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso [ 61 B.C.] the senate had decreed that, whoever should have the administration of the province of Gaul should, as far as he could do so consistently with the interests of the republic, protect the Aedui and the other friends of the Roman people), will not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui." |
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Ad haec Ariovistus respondit : ius esse belli ut qui vicissent iis quos vicissent quem ad modum vellent imperarent . Item populum Romanum victis non ad alterius praescriptum , sed ad suum arbitrium imperare consuesse . Si ipse populo Romano non praescriberet quem ad modum suo iure uteretur , non oportere se a populo Romano in suo iure impediri . Haeduos sibi , quoniam belli fortunam temptassent et armis congressi ac superati essent , stipendiarios esse factos . Magnam Caesarem iniuriam facere , qui suo adventu vectigalia sibi deteriora faceret . Haeduis se obsides redditurum non esse neque his neque eorum sociis iniuria bellum inlaturum , si in eo manerent quod convenisset stipendiumque quotannis penderent ; si id non fecissent , longe iis fraternum nomen populi Romani afuturum . Quod sibi Caesar denuntiaret se Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum , neminem secum sine sua pernicie contendisse . Cum vellet , congrederetur : intellecturum quid invicti Germani , exercitatissimi in armis , qui inter annos XIIII tectum non subissent , virtute possent .
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To this Ariovistus replied, that "the right of war was, that they who had conquered should govern those whom they had conquered, in what manner they pleased; that in that way the Roman people were wont to govern the nations which they had conquered, not according to the dictation of any other, but according to their own discretion. If he for his part did not dictate to the Roman people as to the manner in which they were to exercise their right, he ought not to be obstructed by the Roman people in his right; that the Aedui, inasmuch as they had tried the fortune of war and had engaged in arms and been conquered, had become tributaries to him; that Caesar was doing a great injustice, in that by his arrival he was making his revenues less valuable to him; that he should not restore their hostages to the Aedui, but should not make war wrongfully either upon them or their allies, if they abided by that which had been agreed on, and paid their tribute annually: if they did not continue to do that, the Roman people's name of 'brothers' would avail them naught. As to Caesar's threatening him, that he would not overlook the wrongs of the Aedui, [he said] that no one had ever entered into a contest with him [ Ariovistus] without utter ruin to himself. That Caesar might enter the lists when he chose; he would feel what the invincible Germans, well-trained [as they were] beyond all others to arms, who for fourteen years had not been beneath a roof, could achieve by their valor." |
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Haec eodem tempore Caesari mandata referebantur et legati ab Haeduis et a Treveris veniebant : Haedui questum quod Harudes , qui nuper in Galliam transportati essent , fines eorum popularentur : sese ne obsidibus quidem datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse ; Treveri autem , pagos centum Sueborum ad ripas Rheni consedisse , qui Rhenum transire conarentur ; his praeesse Nasuam et Cimberium fratres . Quibus rebus Caesar vehementer commotus maturandum sibi existimavit , ne , si nova manus Sueborum cum veteribus copiis Ariovisti sese coniunxisset , minus facile resisti posset . Itaque re frumentaria quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus ad Ariovistum contendit .
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At the same time that this message was delivered to Caesar, embassadors came from the Aedui and the Treviri; from the Aedui to complain that the Harudes, who had lately been brought over into Gaul, were ravaging their territories; that they had not been able to purchase peace from Ariovistus, even by giving hostages: and from the Treviri, [to state] that a hundred cantons of the Suevi had encamped on the banks of the Rhine, and were attempting to cross it; that the brothers, Nasuas and Cimberius, headed them. Being greatly alarmed at these things, Caesar thought that he ought to use all dispatch, lest, if this new band of Suevi should unite with the old troops of Ariovistus, he [ Ariovistus] might be less easily withstood. Having therefore, as quickly as he could, provided a supply of corn, he hastened to Ariovistus by forced marches. |
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Cum tridui viam processisset , nuntiatum est ei Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum Vesontionem , quod est oppidum maximum Sequanorum , contendere [ triduique viam a suis finibus processisse ] . Id ne accideret , magnopere sibi praecavendum Caesar existimabat . Namque omnium rerum quae ad bellum usui erant summa erat in eo oppido facultas , idque natura loci sic muniebatur ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret facultatem , propterea quod flumen [ alduas ] Dubis ut circino circumductum paene totum oppidum cingit , reliquum spatium , quod est non amplius pedum MDC , qua flumen intermittit , mons continet magna altitudine , ita ut radices eius montis ex utraque parte ripae fluminis contingant , hunc murus circumdatus arcem efficit et cum oppido coniungit . Huc Caesar magnis nocturnis diurnisque itineribus contendit occupatoque oppido ibi praesidium conlocat .
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When he had proceeded three days' journey, word was brought to him that Ariovistus was hastening with all his forces to seize on Vesontio, which is the largest town of the Sequani, and had advanced three days' journey from its territories. Caesar thought that he ought to take the greatest precautions lest this should happen, for there was in that town a most ample supply of every thing which was serviceable for war; and so fortified was it by the nature of the ground, as to afford a great facility for protracting the war, inasmuch as the river Doubs almost surrounds the whole town, as though it were traced round it with a pair of compasses. A mountain of great height shuts in the remaining space, which is not more than 600 feet, where the river leaves a gap, in such a manner that the roots of that mountain extend to the river's bank on either side. A wall thrown around it makes a citadel of this [mountain], and connects it with the town. Hither Caesar hastens by forced marches by night and day, and, after having seized the town, stations a garrison there. |
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Dum paucos dies ad Vesontionem rei frumentariae commeatusque causa moratur , ex percontatione nostrorum vocibusque Gallorum ac mercatorum , qui ingenti magnitudine corporum Germanos , incredibili virtute atque exercitatione in armis esse praedicabant ( saepe numero sese cum his congressos ne vultum quidem atque aciem oculorum dicebant ferre potuisse ) , tantus subito timor omnem exercitum occupavit ut non mediocriter omnium mentes animosque perturbaret . Hic primum ortus est a tribunis militum , praefectis , reliquisque qui ex urbe amicitiae causa Caesarem secuti non magnum in re militari usum habebant : quorum alius alia causa inlata , quam sibi ad proficiscendum necessariam esse diceret , petebat ut eius voluntate discedere liceret ; non nulli pudore adducti , ut timoris suspicionem vitarent , remanebant . Hi neque vultum fingere neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant : abditi in tabernaculis aut suum fatum querebantur aut cum familiaribus suis commune periculum miserabantur . Vulgo totis castris testamenta obsignabantur . Horum vocibus ac timore paulatim etiam ii qui magnum in castris usum habebant , milites centurionesque quique equitatui praeerant , perturbabantur . Qui se ex his minus timidos existimari volebant , non se hostem vereri , sed angustias itineris et magnitudinem silvarum quae intercederent inter ipsos atque Ariovistum , aut rem frumentariam , ut satis commode supportari posset , timere dicebant . Non nulli etiam Caesari nuntiabant , cum castra moveri ac signa ferri iussisset , non fore dicto audientes milites neque propter timorem signa laturos .
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While he is tarrying a few days at Vesontio, on account of corn and provisions; from the inquiries of our men and the reports of the Gauls and traders (who asserted that the Germans were men of huge stature, of incredible valor and practice in arms-that oftentimes they, on encountering them, could not bear even their countenance, and the fierceness of their eyes)-so great a panic on a sudden seized the whole army, as to discompose the minds and spirits of all in no slight degree. This first arose from the tribunes of the soldiers, the prefects and the rest, who, having followed Caesar from the city [ Rome] from motives of friendship, had no great experience in military affairs. And alleging, some of them one reason, some another, which they said made it necessary for them to depart, they requested that by his consent they might be allowed to withdraw; some, influenced by shame, stayed behind in order that they might avoid the suspicion of cowardice. These could neither compose their countenance, nor even sometimes check their tears: but hidden in their tents, either bewailed their fate, or deplored with their comrades the general danger. Wills were sealed universally throughout the whole camp. By the expressions and cowardice of these men, even those who possessed great experience in the camp, both soldiers and centurions, and those [the decurions] who were in command of the cavalry, were gradually disconcerted. Such of them as wished to be considered less alarmed, said that they did not dread the enemy, but feared the narrowness of the roads and the vastness of the forests which lay between them and Ariovistus, or else that the supplies could not be brought up readily enough. Some even declared to Caesar, that when he gave orders for the camp to be moved and the troops to advance, the soldiers would not be obedient to the command, nor advance in consequence of their fear. |
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Haec cum animadvertisset , convocato consilio omniumque ordinum ad id consilium adhibitis centurionibus , vehementer eos incusavit : primum , quod aut quam in partem aut quo consilio ducerentur sibi quaerendum aut cogitandum putarent . Ariovistum se consule cupidissime populi Romani amicitiam adpetisse ; cur hunc tam temere quisquam ab officio discessurum iudicaret ? Sibi quidem persuaderi cognitis suis postulatis atque aequitate condicionum perspecta eum neque suam neque populi Romani gratiam repudiaturum . Quod si furore atque amentia impulsum bellum intulisset , quid tandem vererentur ? Aut cur de sua virtute aut de ipsius diligentia desperarent ? Factum eius hostis periculum patrum nostrorum memoria Cimbris et Teutonis a C . Mario pulsis [ cum non minorem laudem exercitus quam ipse imperator meritus videbatur ] ; factum etiam nuper in Italia servili tumultu , quos tamen aliquid usus ac disciplina , quam a nobis accepissent , sublevarint . Ex quo iudicari posse quantum haberet in se boni constantia , propterea quod quos aliquam diu inermes sine causa timuissent hos postea armatos ac victores superassent . Denique hos esse eosdem Germanos quibuscum saepe numero Helvetii congressi non solum in suis sed etiam in illorum finibus plerumque superarint , qui tamen pares esse nostro exercitui non potuerint . Si quos adversum proelium et fuga Gallorum commoveret , hos , si quaererent , reperire posse diuturnitate belli defatigatis Gallis Ariovistum , cum multos menses castris se ac paludibus tenuisset neque sui potestatem fecisset , desperantes iam de pugna et dispersos subito adortum magis ratione et consilio quam virtute vicisse . Cui rationi contra homines barbaros atque imperitos locus fuisset , hac ne ipsum quidem sperare nostros exercitus capi posse . Qui suum timorem in rei frumentariae simulationem angustiasque itineris conferrent , facere arroganter , cum aut de officio imperatoris desperare aut praescribere viderentur . Haec sibi esse curae ; frumentum Sequanos , Leucos , Lingones subministrare , iamque esse in agris frumenta matura ; de itinere ipsos brevi tempore iudicaturos . Quod non fore dicto audientes neque signa laturi dicantur , nihil se ea re commoveri : scire enim , quibuscumque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit , aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiam esse convictam . Suam innocentiam perpetua vita , felicitatem Helvetiorum bello esse perspectam . Itaque se quod in longiorem diem conlaturus fuisset repraesentaturum et proxima nocte de quarta , vigilia castra moturum , ut quam primum intellegere posset utrum apud eos pudor atque officium an timor plus valeret . Quod si praeterea nemo sequatur , tamen se cum sola decima legione iturum , de qua non dubitet , sibique eam praetoriam cohortem futuram . Huic legioni Caesar et indulserat praecipue et propter virtutem confidebat maxime .
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When Caesar observed these things, having called a council, and summoned to it the centurions of all the companies, he severely reprimanded them, "particularly, for supposing that it belonged to them to inquire or conjecture, either in what direction they were marching, or with what object. That Ariovistus, during his [Caesar's] consulship [ 59 B.C.], had most anxiously sought after the friendship of the Roman people; why should any one judge that he would so rashly depart from his duty? He for his part was persuaded, that, when his demands were known and the fairness of the terms considered, he would reject neither his nor the Roman people's favor. But even if, driven on by rage and madness, he should make war upon them, what after all were they afraid of?-or why should they despair either of their own valor or of his zeal? Of that enemy a trial had been made within our fathers' recollection, when, on the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutones by Caius Marius, the army was regarded as having deserved no less praise than their commander himself. It had been made lately, too, in Italy, during the rebellion of the slaves, whom, however, the experience and training which they had received from us, assisted in some respect. From which a judgment might be formed of the advantages which resolution carries with it inasmuch as those whom for some time they had groundlessly dreaded when unarmed, they had afterward vanquished, when well armed and flushed with success. In short, that these were the same men whom the Helvetii, in frequent encounters, not only in their own territories, but also in theirs [the German], have generally vanquished, and yet can not have been a match for our army. If the unsuccessful battle and flight of the Gauls disquieted any, these, if they made inquiries, might discover that, when the Gauls had been tired out by the long duration of the war, Ariovistus, after he had many months kept himself in his camp and in the marshes, and had given no opportunity for an engagement, fell suddenly upon them, by this time despairing of a battle and scattered in all directions, and was victorious more through stratagem and cunning than valor. But though there had been room for such stratagem against savage and unskilled men, not even [ Ariovistus] himself expected that thereby our armies could be entrapped. That those who ascribed their fear to a pretense about the [deficiency of] supplies and the narrowness of the roads, acted presumptuously, as they seemed either to distrust their general's discharge of his duty, or to dictate to him. That these things were his concern; that the Sequani, the Leuci, and the Lingones were to furnish the corn; and that it was already ripe in the fields; that as to the road they would soon be able to judge for themselves. As to its being reported that the soldiers would not be obedient to command, or advance, he was not at all disturbed at that; for he knew, that in the case of all those whose army had not been obedient to command, either upon some mismanagement of an affair, fortune had deserted them, or, that upon some crime being discovered, covetousness had been clearly proved [against them]. His integrity had been seen throughout his whole life, his good fortune in the war with the Helvetii. That he would therefore instantly set about what he had intended to put off till a more distant day, and would break up his camp the next night, in the fourth watch, that he might ascertain, as soon as possible, whether a sense of honor and duty, or whether fear had more influence with them. But that, if no one else should follow, yet he would go with only the tenth legion, of which he had no misgivings, and it should be his praetorian cohort." This legion Caesar had both greatly favored, and in it, on account of its valor, placed the greatest confidence. |
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Hac oratione habita mirum in modum conversae sunt omnium mentes summaque alacritas et cupiditas belli gerendi innata est , princepsque X . legio per tribunos militum ei gratias egit quod de se optimum iudicium fecisset , seque esse ad bellum gerendum paratissimam confirmavit . Deinde reliquae legiones cum tribunis militum et primorum ordinum centurionibus egerunt uti Caesari satis facerent : se neque umquam dubitasse neque timuisse neque de summa belli suum iudicium sed imperatoris esse existimavisse . Eorum satisfactione accepta et itinere exquisito per Diviciacum , quod ex Gallis ei maximam fidem habebat , ut milium amplius quinquaginta circuitu locis apertis exercitum duceret , de quarta vigilia , ut dixerat , profectus est . Septimo die , cum iter non intermitteret , ab exploratoribus certior factus est Ariovisti copias a nostris milia passuum IIII et XX abesse .
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Upon the delivery of this speech, the minds of all were changed in a surprising manner, and the highest ardor and eagerness for prosecuting the war were engendered; and the tenth legion was the first to return thanks to him, through their military tribunes, for his having expressed this most favorable opinion of them; and assured him that they were quite ready to prosecute the war. Then, the other legions endeavored, through their military tribunes and the centurions of the principal companies, to excuse themselves to Caesar, [saying] that they had never either doubted or feared, or supposed that the determination of the conduct of the war was theirs and not their general's. Having accepted their excuse, and having had the road carefully reconnoitered by Divitiacus, because in him of all others he had the greatest faith [he found] that by a circuitous route of more than fifty miles he might lead his army through open parts; he then set out in the fourth watch, as he had said [he would]. On the seventh day, as he did not discontinue his march, he was informed by scouts that the forces of Ariovistus were only four and twenty miles distant from ours. |
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Cognito Caesaris adventu Ariovistus legatos ad eum mittit : quod antea de conloquio postulasset , id per se fieri licere , quoniam propius accessisset seque id sine periculo facere posse existimaret . Non respuit condicionem Caesar iamque eum ad sanitatem reverti arbitrabatur , cum id quod antea petenti denegasset ultro polliceretur , magnamque in spem veniebat pro suis tantis populique Romani in eum beneficiis cognitis suis postulatis fore uti pertinacia desisteret . Dies conloquio dictus est ex eo die quintus . Interim saepe cum legati ultro citroque inter eos mitterentur , Ariovistus postulavit ne quem peditem ad conloquium Caesar adduceret : vereri se ne per insidias ab eo circumveniretur ; uterque cum equitatu veniret : alia ratione sese non esse venturum . Caesar , quod neque conloquium interposita causa tolli volebat neque salutem suam Gallorum equitatui committere audebat , commodissimum esse statuit omnibus equis Gallis equitibus detractis eo legionarios milites legionis X ., cui quam maxime confidebat , imponere , ut praesidium quam amicissimum , si quid opus facto esset , haberet . Quod cum fieret , non inridicule quidam ex militibus X . legionis dixit : plus quam pollicitus esset Caesarem facere ; pollicitum se in cohortis praetoriae loco X . legionem habiturum ad equum rescribere .
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Upon being apprized of Caesar's arrival, Ariovistus sends embassadors to him, [saying] that what he had before requested as to a conference, might now, as far as his permission went, take place, since he [ Caesar] had approached nearer, and he considered that he might now do it without danger. Caesar did not reject the proposal and began to think that he was now returning to a rational state of mind as he spontaneously proffered that which he had previously refused to him when requesting it; and was in great hopes that, in consideration of his own and the Roman people's great favors toward him, the issue would be that he would desist from his obstinacy upon his demands being made known. The fifth day after that was appointed as the day of conference. Meanwhile, as ambassadors were being often sent to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar should not bring any foot-soldier with him to the conference, [saying] that "he was afraid of being ensnared by him through treachery; that both should come accompanied by cavalry; that he would not come on any other condition." Caesar, as he neither wished that the conference should, by an excuse thrown in the way, be set aside, nor durst trust his life to the cavalry of the Gauls, decided that it would be most expedient to take away from the Gallic cavalry all their horses, and thereon to mount the legionary soldiers of the tenth legion, in which he placed the greatest confidence, in order that he might have a body-guard as trustworthy as possible, should there be any need for action. And when this was done, one of the soldiers of the tenth legion said, not without a touch of humor, "that Caesar did more for them than he had promised; he had promised to have the tenth legion in place of his praetorian cohort; but he now converted them into horse." |