Conspiracy of Catiline |
Translator: John Selby Watson
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" Omnis homines , patres conscripti , qui de rebus dubiis consultant , ab odio , amicitia , ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet . Haud facile animus verum providet , ubi illa officiunt , neque quisquam omnium lubidini simul et usui paruit . Ubi intenderis ingenium , valet ; si lubido possidet , ea dominatur , animus nihil valet . Magna mihi copia est memorandi , patres conscripti , quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia inpulsi male consuluerint . Sed ea malo dicere , quae maiores nostri contra lubidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere . Bello Macedonico , quod cum rege Perse gessimus , Rhodiorum civitas magna atque magnifica , quae populi Romani opibus creverat , infida et advorsa nobis fuit . Sed postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est , maiores nostri , ne quis divitiarum magis quam iniuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret , inpunitos eos dimisere . Item bellis Punicis omnibus , cum saepe Carthaginienses et in pace et per indutias multa nefaria facinora fecissent , numquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere : magis , quid se dignum foret , quam quid in illos iure fieri posset , quaerebant . Hoc item vobis providendum est , patres conscripti , ne plus apud vos valeat P . Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vostra dignitas neu magis irae vostrae quam famae consulatis . Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur , novum consilium adprobo ; sin magnitudo sceleris omnium ingenia exsuperat , his utendum censeo , quae legibus conparata sunt . Plerique eorum , qui ante me sententias dixerunt , conposite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt . Quae belli saevitia esset , quae victis acciderent , enumeravere : rapi virgines , pueros , divelli liberos a parentum complexu , matres familiarum pati , quae victoribus conlubuissent , fana atque domos spoliari , caedem , incendia fieri , postremo armis , cadaveribus , cruore atque luctu omnia conpleri . Sed per deos inmortalis , quo illa oratio pertinuit ? An uti vos infestos coniurationi faceret ? Scilicet , quem res tanta et tam atrox non permovit , eum oratio accendet . Non ita est neque cuiquam mortalium iniuriae suae parvae videntur ; multi eas gravius aequo habuere . Sed alia aliis licentia est , patres conscripti . Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent , si quid iracundia deliquere , pauci sciunt : fama atque fortuna eorum pares sunt ; qui magno imperio , praediti in excelso aetatem agunt , eorum facta cuncti mortales novere . Ita in maxuma fortuna minuma licentia est ; neque studere neque odisse , sed minume irasci decet ; quae apud alios iracundia dicitur , ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur . Equidem ego sic existumo , patres conscripti , omnis cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse . Sed plerique mortales postremo meminere et in hominibus inpiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt , si ea paulo severior fuit . D . Silanum , virum fortem atque strenuum , certo scio , quae dixerit , studio rei publicae dixisse neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut inimicitias exercere : eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi . Verum sententia eius mihi non crudelis quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest ? -, sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur . Nam profecto aut metus aut iniuria te subegit , Silane , consulem designatum genus poenae novum decernere . De timore supervacaneum est disserere , cum praesertim diligentia clarissumi viri consulis tanta praesidia sint in armis . De poena possum equidem dicere , id quod res habet , in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem , non cruciatum esse ; eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere ; ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse . Sed , per deos inmortalis , quam ob rem in sententiam non addidisti , uti prius verberibus in eos animadvorteretur ? An quia lex Porcia vetat ? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi , sed exsilium permitti iubent . An quia gravius est verberari quam necari ? Quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos ? Sin , quia levius est , qui convenit in minore negotio legem timere , cum eam in maiore neglexeris ? At enim quis reprehendet , quod in parricidas rei publicae decretum erit ? Tempus , dies , fortuna , cuius lubido gentibus moderatur . Illis merito accidet , quicquid evenerit ; ceterum vos patres conscripti , quid in alios statuatis , considerate ! Omnia mala exempla ex rebus bonis orta sunt . Sed ubi imperium ad ignaros eius aut minus bonos pervenit , novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur . Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros inposuere , qui rem publicam eorum tractarent . Ii primo coepere pessumum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare : ea populus laetari et merito dicere fieri . Post , ubi paulatim licentia crevit , iuxta bonos et malos lubidinose interficere , ceteros metu terrere : ita civitas servitute oppressa stultae laetitiae gravis poenas dedit . Nostra memoria victor Sulla cum Damasippum et alios eius modi , qui malo rei publicae creverant , iugulari iussit , quis non factum eius laudabat ? Homines scelestos et factiosos , qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant , merito necatos aiebant . Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit . Nam uti quisque domum aut villam , postremo vas aut vestimentum alicuius concupiverat , dabat operam , ut is in proscriptorum numero esset . Ita illi , quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat , paulo post ipsi trahebantur neque prius finis iugulandi fuit , quam Sulla omnis suos divitiis explevit . Atque ego haec non in M . Tullio neque his temporibus vereor ; sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt . Potest alio tempore , alio consule , cui item exercitus in manu sit , falsum aliquid pro vero credi . Ubi hoc exemplo per senatus decretum consul gladium eduxerit , quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur ? Maiores nostri , patres conscripti , neque consili neque audaciae umquam eguere ; neque illis superbia obstat , quo minus aliena instituta , si modo proba erant , imitarentur . Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus , insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque sumpserunt . Postremo , quod ubique apud socios aut hostis idoneum videbatur , cum summo studio domi exsequebantur : imitari quam invidere bonis malebant . Sed eodem illo tempore Graeciae morem imitati verberibus animadvortebant in civis , de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant . Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere , circumveniri innocentes , alia huiusce modi fieri coepere , tum lex Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt , quibus legibus exsilium damnatis permissum est . Hanc ego causam , patres conscripti , quo minus novum consilium capiamus , in primis magnam puto . Profecto virtus atque sapientia maior illis fuit , qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere , quam in nobis , qui ea bene parta vix retinemus . Placet igitur eos dimitti et augeri exercitum Catilinae ? Minume . Sed ita censeo : publicandas eorum pecunias , ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia , quae maxume opibus valent ; neu quis de iis postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat ; qui aliter fecerit , senatum existumare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum ."
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"It becomes all men, Conscript Fathers, who deliberate on dubious matters, to be influenced neither by hatred, affection, anger, nor pity. The mind, when such feelings obstruct its view, can not easily see what is right; nor has any human being consulted, at the same moment, his passion and his interest. When the mind is freely exerted, its reasoning is sound; but passion, if it gain possession of it, becomes its tyrant, and reason is powerless. "I could easily mention, Conscript Fathers, numerous examples of kings and nations, who, swayed by resentment or compassion, have adopted injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in opposition to the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy. "In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us; yet, when the war was ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was taken into consideration, our forefathers left them unmolested lest any should say that war was made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of punishing their faithlessness. Throughout the Punic war, too, though the Carthaginians, both during peace and in suspension of arms, were guilty of many acts of injustice, yet our ancestors never took occasion to retaliate, but considered rather what was worthy of themselves, than what might be justly inflicted on their enemies. "Similar caution, Conscript Fathers, is to be observed by yourselves, that the guilt of Lentulus, and the other conspirators, may not have greater weight with you than your own dignity, and that you may not regard your indignation more than your character. If, indeed, a punishment adequate to their crimes be discovered, I consent to extraordinary measures; but if the enormity of their crime exceeds whatever can be devised, I think that we should inflict only such penalties as the laws have provided. "Most of those, who have given their opinions before me, have deplored, in studied and impressive language, the sad fate that threatens the republic; they have recounted the barbarities of war, and the afflictions that would fallon the vanquished; they have told us that maidens would be dishonored, and youths abused; that children would be torn from the embraces of their parents; that matrons would be subjected to the pleasure of the conquerors; that temples and dwelling-houses would be plundered; that massacres and fires would follow; ane that every place would be filled with arms, corpses, blood, and lamentation. But to what end, in the name of the eternal gods! was such eloquence directed? Was it intended to render you indignant at the conspiracy? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom so frightful and monstrous a reality has not provoked! Far from it: for to no man does evil, directed against himself, appear a light matter; many, on the contrary, have felt it more seriously than was right. "But to different persons, Conscript Fathers, different degrees of license are allowed. If those who pass a life sunk in obscurity, commit any error, through excessive angel, few become aware of it, for their fame is as limited as their fortune; but of those who live invested with extensive power, and in an exalted station, the whole world knows the proceedings. Thus in the highest position there is the least liberty of action; and it becomes us to indulge neither partiality nor aversion, but least of all animosity; for what in others is called resentment, is in the powerful termed violence and cruelty. "I am indeed of opinion, Conscript Fathers, that the utmost degree of torture is inadequate to punish their crime; but the generality of mankind dwell on that which happens last, and, in the case of malefactors, forget their guilt, and talk only of their punishment, should that punishment have been inordinately severe. I feel assured, too, that Decimus Silanus, a man of spirit and resolution, made the suggestions which he offered, from zeal for the state, and that he had no view, in so important a matter, to favor or to enmity; such I know to be his character, and such his discretion. Yet his proposal appears to me, I will not say cruel (for what can be cruel that is directed against such characters?), but foreign to our policy. For assuredly, Silanus, either your fears, or their treason, must have induced you, a consul elect, to propose this new kind of punishment. Of fear it is unnecessary to speak, when by the prompt activity of that distinguished man our consul, such numerous forces are under arms; and as to the punishment, we may say, what is indeed the truth, that in trouble and distress, death is a relief from suffering, and not a torment; that it puts an end to all human woes; and that, beyond it, there is no place either for sorrow or joy. "But why, in the name of the immortal gods, did you not add to your proposal, Silanus, that, before they were put to death, they should be punished with the scourge? Was it because the Porcian law forbids it? But other laws forbid condemned citizens to be deprived of life, and allow them to go into exile. Or was it because scourging is a severer penalty than death? Yet what can be too severe, or too harsh, toward men convicted of such an offense? But if scourging be a milder punishment than death, how is it consistent to observe the law as to the smaller point, when you disregard it as to the greater? "But who it may be asked, will blame any severity that shall be decreed against these parricides of their country? I answer that time, the course of events, and fortune, whose caprice governs nations, may blame it. Whatever shall fall on the traitors, will fall on them justly; but it is for you, Conscript Fathers, to consider well what you resolve to inflict on others. All precedents productive of evil effects, have had their origin from what was good; but when a government passes into the hands of the ignorant or unprincipled, any new example of severity, inflicted on deserving and suitable objects, is extended to those that are improper and undeserving of it. The Lacedæmonians, when they had conquered the Athenians, appointed thirty men to govern their state. These thirty began their administration by putting to death, even without a trial, all who were notoriously wicked, or publicly detestable; acts at which the people rejoiced, and extolled their justice. But afterward, when their lawless power gradually increased, they proceeded, at their pleasure, to kill the good and the bad indiscriminately, and to strike terror into all; and thus the state, overpowered and enslaved, paid a heavy penalty for its imprudent exultation. "Within our own memory, too, when the victorious Sylla ordered Damasippus, and others of similar character, who had risen by distressing their country, to be put to death, who did not commend the proceeding? All exclaimed that wicked and factious men, who had troubled the state with their seditious practices, had justly forfeited their lives. Yet this proceeding was the commencement of great bloodshed. For whenever any one coveted the mansion or villa, or even the plate or apparel of another, he exerted his influence to have him numbered among the proscribed. Thus they, to whom the death of Damasippus had been a subject of joy, were soon after dragged to death themselves; nor was there any cessation of slaughter, until Sylla had glutted all his partisans with riches. "Such excesses, indeed, I do not fear from Marcus Tullius, or in these times. But in a large state there arise many men of various dispositions. At some other period, and under another consul, who, like the present, may have an army at his command, some false accusation may be credited as true; and when, with our example for a precedent, the consul shall have drawn the sword on the authority of the senate, who shall stay its progress, or moderate its fury? "Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were never deficient in conduct or courage; nor did pride prevent them from imitating the customs of other nations, if they appeared deserving of regard. Their armor, and weapons of war, they borrowed from the Samnites; their ensigns of authority, for the most part, from the Etrurians; and, in short, whatever appeared eligible to them, whether among allies or among enemies, they adopted at home with the greatest readiness, being more inclined to emulate merit than to be jealous of it. But at the same time, adopting a practice from Greece, they punished their citizens with the scourge, and inflicted capital punishment on such as were condemned. When the republic, however, became powerful, and faction grew strong from the vast number of citizens, men began to involve the innocent in condemnation, and other like abuses were practiced; and it was then that the Porcian and other laws were provided, by which condemned citizens were allowed to go into exile. This lenity of our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, I regard as a very strong reason why we should not adopt any new measures of severity. For assuredly there was greater merit and wisdom in those, who raised so mighty an empire from humble means, than in us, who can scarcely preserve what they so honorably acquired. Am I of opinion, then, you will ask, that the conspirators should be set free, and that the army of Catiline should thus be increased? Far from it; my recommendation is, that their property be confiscated, and that they themselves be kept in custody in such of the municipal towns as are best able to bear the expense; that no one hereafter bring their case before the senate, or speak on it to the people; and that the senate now give their opinion, that he who shall act contrary to this, will act against the republic and the general safety." |
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Postquam Caesar dicundi finem fecit , ceteri verbo alius alii varie adsentiebantur . At M . Porcius Cato rogatus sententiam huiusce modi orationem habuit : "Longe alia mihi mens est , patres conscripti , cum res atque pericula nostra considero et cum sententias nonnullorum ipse mecum reputo . Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum , qui patriae , parentibus , aris atque focis suis bellum paravere ; res autem monet cavere ab illis magis quam , quid in illos statuamus , consultare . Nam cetera maleficia tum persequare , ubi facta sunt ; hoc , nisi provideris , ne accidat , ubi evenit , frustra iudicia inplores : capta urbe nihil fit reliqui victis . Sed , per deos inmortalis , vos ego appello , qui semper domos , villas , signa , tabulas vostras pluris quam rem publicam fecistis : si ista , cuiuscumque modi sunt , quae amplexamini , retinere , si voluptatibus vostris otium praebere voltis , expergiscimini aliquando et capessite rem publicam ! Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de sociorum iniuriis : libertas et anima nostra in dubio est . Saepenumero , patres conscripti , multa verba in hoc ordine feci , saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum multosque mortalis ea causa advorsos habeo . Qui mihi atque animo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem , haud facile alterius lubidini male facta condonabam . Sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis , tamen res publica firma erat : opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat . Nunc vero non id agitur , bonisne an malis moribus vivamus , neque quantum aut quam magnificum imperium populi Romani sit , sed haec , cuiuscumque modi videntur , nostra an nobiscum una hostiam futura sint . Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et misericordiam nominat ! Iam pridem equidem nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus : quia bona aliena largiri liberalitas , malarum rerum audacia fortitudo vocatur , eo res publica in extremo sita est . Sint sane , quoniam ita se mores habent , liberales ex sociorum fortunis , sint misericordes in furibus aerari ; ne illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur et , dum paucis sceleratis parcunt , bonos omnis perditum eant ! Bene et conposite C . Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit , credo falsa existumans ea , quae de inferis memorantur : divorso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra , inculta , foeda atque formidulosa habere . Itaque censuit pecunias eorum publicandas , ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos , videlicet timens , ne , si Romae sint , aut a popularibus coniurationis aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur . Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe et non per totam Italiam sint aut non sibi plus possit audacia , ubi ad defendundum opes minores sunt ! Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium est , si periculum ex illis metuit ; si in tanto omnium metu solus non timet , eo magis refert me mihi atque vobis timere . Quare , cum de P . Lentulo ceterisque statuetis , pro certo habetote vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus coniuratis decernere ! Quanto vos attentius ea agetis , tanto illis animus infirmior erit ; si paulum modo vos languere viderint , iam omnes feroces aderunt . Nolite existumare maiores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam fecisse ! Si ita esset , multo pulcherrumam eam nos haberemus ; quippe sociorum atque civium , praeterea armorum atque equorum maior copia nobis quam illis est . Sed alia fuere , quae illos magnos fecere , quae nobis nulla sunt : domi industria , foris iustum imperium , animus in consulundo liber , neque delicto neque lubidini obnoxius . Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam , publice egestatem , privatim opulentiam . Laudamus divitias , sequimur inertiam . Inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum , omnia virtutis praemia ambitio possidet . Neque mirum : ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis , ubi domi voluptatibus , hic pecuniae aut gratiae servitis , eo fit , ut impetus fiat in vacuam rem publicam . Sed ego haec omitto . Coniuravere nobilissumi cives patriam incendere , Gallorum gentem infestissumam nomini Romano ad bellum arcessunt , dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est . Vos cunctamini etiam nunc et dubitatis , quid intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis ? Misereamini censeo deliquere homines adulescentuli per ambitionem atque etiam armatos dimittatis . Ne ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia , si illi arma ceperint , in miseriam convortat ! Scilicet res ipsa aspera est , sed vos non timetis eam . Immo vero maxume . Sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium exspectantes cunctamini , videlicet dis inmortalibus confisi , qui hanc rem publicam saepe in maxumis periculis servavere . Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur : vigilando , agundo , bene consulundo prospere omnia cedunt . Ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris , nequiquam deos implores : irati infestique sunt . Apud maiores nostros A . Manlius Torquatus bello Gallico filium suum , quod is contra imperium in hostem pugnaverat , necari iussit atque ille egregius adulescens inmoderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit : vos de crudelissumis parricidis quid statuatis , cunctamini ? Videlicet cetera vita eorum huic sceleri obstat . Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli , si ipse pudicitiae , si famae suae , si dis aut hominibus umquam ullis pepercit ! Ignoscite Cethegi adulescentiae , nisi iterum patriae bellum fecit ! Nam quid ego de Gabinio , Statilio , Caepario loquar ? Quibus si quicquam umquam pensi fuisset , non ea consilia de re publica habuissent . Postremo , patres conscripti , si mehercule peccato locus esset , facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi , quoniam verba contemnitis . Sed undique circumventi sumus . Catilina cum exercitu faucibus urget , alii intra moenia atque in sinu urbis sunt hostes ; neque parari neque consuli quicquam potest occulte : quo magis properandum est . Quare ego ita censeo : Cum nefario consilio sceleratorum civium res publica in maxuma pericula venerit iique indicio T . Volturci et legatorum Allobrogum convicti confessique sint caedem , incendia aliaque se foeda atque crudelia facinora in civis patriamque paravisse , de confessis , sicuti de manufestis rerum capitalium , more maiorum supplicium sumundum ."
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When Cæsar had ended his speech, the rest briefly expressed their assent, some to one speaker, and some to another, in support of their different proposals; but Marcius Porcius Cato, being asked his opinion, made a speech to the following purport: "My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, when I contemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I revolve in my mind the sentiments of some who have spoken before me. Those speakers, as it seems to me, have considered only how to punish the traitors who have raised war against their country, their parents, their altars, and their homes; but the state of affairs warns us rather to secure ourselves against them, than to take counsel as to what sentence we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish after they have been committed; but as to this, unless you prevent its commission, you will, when it has once taken effect, in vain appeal to justice. When the city is taken, no power is left to the vanquished. "But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you, who have always valued your mansions and villas, your statues and pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your country; if you wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever kind they are, to which you are attached; if you wish to secure quiet for the enjoyment of your pleasures, arouse yourselves, and act in defense of your country. We are not now debating on the revenues, or on injuries done to our allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake. "Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length in this assembly; often have I complained of the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and, by that very means, have incurred the displeasure of many. I, who never excused to myself, or to my own conscience, the commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the misconduct, or indulge the licentiousness, of others. But though you little regarded my remonstrances, yet the republic remained secure; its own strength was proof against your remissness. The question, however, at present under discussion, is not whether we live in a good or a bad state of morals; nor how great, or how splendid, the empire of the Roman people is; but whether these things around us, of whatever value they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the hands of the enemy. "In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion? For some time past, it is true, we have lost the real name of things; for to lavish the property of others is called generosity, and audacity in wickedness is called heroism; and hence the state is reduced to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misname things; be liberal, since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies; let them be merciful to the robbers of the treasury; but let them not lavish our blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, bring destruction on all the guiltless. "Caius CAæsar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language, before this assembly, on the subject of life and death; considering as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead; that the bad, going a different way from the good, inhabit places gloomy, desolate, dreary, and full of horror. He accordingly proposed that the property of the conspirators should be confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in the municipal towns; fearing, it seems, that, if they remain at Rome, they may be rescued either by their accomplices in the conspiracy, or by a hired mob; as if, forsooth, the mischievous and profligate were to be found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is less power to resist them. His proposal, therefore, if he fears any danger from them, is absurd; but if, amid such universal terror, he alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me to fear for you and myself. "Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Lentulus and the other prisoners, you at the same time determine that of the army of Catilihe, and of all the conspirators. The more spirit you display in your decision, the more will their confidence be diminished; but if they shall perceive you in the smallest degree irresolute, they will advance upon you with fury. "Do not suppose that our ancestors, from so small a commencement, raised the republic to greatness merely by force of arms. If such had been the case, we should enjoy it in a most excellent condition; for of allies and citizens, as well as arms and horses, we have a much greater abundance than they had. But there were other things which made them great, but which among us have no existence; such as industry at home, equitable government abroad, and minds impartial in council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of such virtues, we have luxury and avarice; public distress, and private superfluity; we extol wealth, and yield to indolence; no distinction is made between good men and bad; and ambition usurps the honors due to virtue. Nor is this wonderful; since you study each his individual interest, and since at home you are slaves to pleasure, and here to money or favor; and hence it happens that an attack is made on the defenseless state. "But on these subjects I shall say no more. Certain citizens, of the highest rank, have conspired to ruin their country; they are engaging the Gauls, the bitterest foes of the Roman name, to join in a war against us; the leader of the enemy is ready to make a descent upon us; and do you hesitate, even in such circumstances, how to treat armed incendiaries arrested within your walls? I advise you to have mercy upon them they are young men who have been led astray by ambition; send them away, even with arms in their hands. But such mercy, and such clemency, if they turn those arms against you, will end in misery to yourselves. The case is, assuredly, dangerous, but you do not fear it; yes, you fear it greatly, but you hesitate how to act, through weakness and want of spirit, waiting one for another, and trusting to the immortal gods, who have so often preserved your country in the greatest dangers. But the protection of the gods is not obtained by vows and effeminate supplications; it is by vigilance, activity, and prudent measures, that general welfare is secured. When you are once resigned to sloth and indolence, it is in vain that you implore the gods; for they are then indignant and threaten vengeance. "In the days of our forefathers, Titus Manlius Torquatus, during a war with the Gauls, ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had fought with an enemy contrary to orders. That noble youth suffered for excess of bravery; and do you hesitate what sentence to pass on the most inhuman of traitors? Perhaps their former life is at variance with their present crime. Spare, then, the dignity of Lentulus, if he has ever spared his own honor or character, or had any regard for gods or for men. Pardon the youth of Cethegus, unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country. As to Gabinius, Statilius, Cæparius, why should I make any remark upon them? Had they ever possessed the smallest share of discretion, they would never have engaged in such a plot against their country. "In conclusion, Conscript Fathers, if there were time to amend an error, I might easily suffer you, since you disregard words, to be corrected by experience of consequences. But we are beset by dangers on all sides; Catiline, with his army, is ready to devour us; while there are other enemies within the walls, and in the heart of the city; nor can any measures be taken, or any plans arranged, without their knowledge. The more necessary is it, therefore, to act with promptitude. What I advise, then, is this: that since the state, by a treasonable combination of abandoned citizens, has been brought into the greatest peril; and since the conspirators have been convicted on the evidence of Titus Volturcius, and the deputies of the Allobroges, and on their own confession, of having concerted massacres, conflagrations, and other horrible and cruel outrages, against their fellow-citizens and their country, punishment be inflicted, according to the usage of our ancestors, on the prisoners who have confessed their guilt, as on men convicted of capital crimes." |
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Postquam Cato adsedit , consulares omnes itemque senatus magna pars sententiam eius laudant , virtutem animi ad caelum ferunt , alii alios increpantes timidos vocant . Cato clarus atque magnus habetur ; senati decretum fit , sicuti ille censuerat . Sed mihi multa legenti , multa audienti , quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque , mari atque terra praeclara facinora fecit , forte lubuit attendere , quae res maxume tanta negotia sustinuisset . Sciebam saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse ; cognoveram parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus , ad hoc saepe fortunae violentiam toleravisse , facundia Graecos , gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse . Ac mihi multa agitanti constabat paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse eoque factum , uti divitas paupertas , multitudinem paucitas superaret . Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est , rursus res publica magnitudine sua imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat ac , sicuti effeta parente , multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit . Sed memoria mea ingenti virtute , divorsis moribus fuere viri duo , M . Cato et C . Caesar . Quos quoniam res obtulerat , silentio praeterire non fuit consilium , quin utriusque naturam et mores , quantum ingenio possum , aperirem .
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When Cato had resumed his seat, all the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest, applauded his opinion, and extolled his firmness of mind to the skies. With mutual reproaches, they accused one another of timidity, while Cato was regarded as the greatest and noblest of men; and a decree of the senate was made as he had advised. After reading and hearing of the many glorious achievements which the Roman people had performed at home and in the field, by sea as well as by land, I happened to be led to consider what had been the great foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knew that the Romans had frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast armies of the enemy; I was aware that they had carried on wars with limited forces against powerful sovereigns; that they had often sustained, too, the violence of adverse fortune; yet that, while the Greeks excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them in military glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the eminent virtue of a few citizens had been the cause of all these successes; and hence it had happened that poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over a multitude. And even in later times, when the state had become corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic still supported itself, by its own strength, under the misconduct of its generals and magistrates; when, as if the parent stock were exhausted, there was certainly not produced at Rome, for many years, a single citizen of eminent ability. Within my recollection, however, there arose two men of remarkable powers, though of very different character, Marcus Cato and Caius Cæsar, whom, since the subject has brought them before me, it is not my intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the best of my ability, the disposition and manners of each. |
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Igitur iis genus , aetas , eloquentia prope aequalia fuere , magnitudo animi par , item gloria , sed alia alii . Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus habebatur , integritate vitae Cato . Ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus , huic severitas dignitatem addiderat . Caesar dando , sublevando , ignoscundo , Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus est . In altero miseris perfugium erat , in altero malis pernicies . Illius facilitas , huius constantia laudabatur . Postremo Caesar in animum induxerat laborare , vigilare ; negotiis amicorum intentus sua neglegere , nihil denegare , quod dono dignum esset ; sibi magnum imperium , exercitum , bellum novum exoptabat , ubi virtus enitescere posset . At Catoni studium modestiae , decoris , sed maxume severitatis erat ; non divitiis cum divite neque factione cum factioso , sed cum strenuo virtute , cum modesto pudore , cum innocente abstinentia certabat ; esse quam videri bonus malebat : ita , quo minus petebat gloriam , eo magis illum sequebatur .
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Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality; their greatness of mind similar, as was also their reputation, though attained by different means. Cæsar grew eminent by genesroity and munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Cæsar was esteemed for his humanity and benevolence; austereness had given dignity to Cato. Cæsar acquired renown by giving, relieving, and pardoning; Cato by bestowing nothing. In Cæsar, there was a refuge for the unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Cæsar, his easiness of temper was admired; in Cato, his firmness. Cæsar, in fine, had applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent upon the interest of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he refused nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for himself he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war in which his talents might be displayed. But Cato's ambition was that of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not contend in splendor with the rich, or in faction with the seditious, but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicity, with the temperate in abstinence; he was more desirous to be, than to appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more it pursued him. |
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Postquam , ut dixi , senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit , consul optumum factu ratus noctem , quae instabat , antecapere , ne quid eo spatio novaretur , tresviros , quae supplicium postulabat , parare iubet . Ipse praesidiis dispositis Lentulum in carcerem deducit ; idem fit ceteris per praetores . Est in carcere locus , quod Tullianum appellatur , ubi paululum ascenderis ad laevam , circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus . Eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera lapideis fornicibus iuncta ; sed incultu , tenebris , odore foeda atque terribilis eius facies est . In eum locum postquam demissus est Lentulus , vindices rerum capitalium , quibus praeceptum erat , laqueo gulam fregere . Ita ille patricius ex gente clarissuma Corneliorum , qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat , dignum moribus factisque suis exitium vitae invenit . De Cethego , Statilio , Gabinio , Caepario eodem modo supplicium sumptum est .
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When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the counsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coring on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirs to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and the same office was performed for the rest by the prætors. There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon, and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone arches; but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been given, strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illustrious family of the Cornelli, and who filled the office of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Cæparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner. |
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Dum ea Romae geruntur , Catilina ex omni copia , quam et ipse adduxerat et Manlius habuerat , duas legiones instituit , cohortis pro numero militum conplet . Deinde , ut quisque voluntarius aut ex sociis in castra venerat , aequaliter distribuerat ac brevi spatio legiones numero hominum expleverat , cum initio non amplius duobus milibus habuisset . Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa ; ceteri , ut quemque casus armaverat , sparos aut lanceas , alii praeacutas sudis portabant . Sed postquam Antonius cum exercitu adventabat , Catilina per montis iter facere , modo ad urbem , modo in Galliam vorsus castra movere , hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare . Sperabat propediem magnas copias sese habiturum , si Romae socii incepta patravissent . Interea servitia repudiabat , cuius generis initio ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant , opibus coniurationis fretus , simul alienum suis rationibus existumans videri causam civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse .
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During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow; and afterward, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates, arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes. As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one, if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates. |
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Sed postquam in castra nuntius pervenit Romae coniurationem patefactam , de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque , quos supra memoravi , supplicium sumptum , plerique , quos ad bellum spes rapinarum aut novarum rerum studium illexerat , dilabuntur ; reliquos Catilina per montis asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem abducti eo consilio , uti per tramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam . At Q . Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat ex difficultate rerum eadem illa existumans , quae supra diximus , Catilinam agitare . Igitur ubi iter eius ex perfugis cognovit , castra propere movit ac sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit , qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti . Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat , utpote qui magno exercitu locis aequioribus expeditus in fuga sequeretur . Sed Catilina , postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum , in urbe res advorsas , neque fugae neque praesidi ullam spem , optumum factu ratus in tali re fortunam belli temptare , statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere . Itaque contione advocata huiusce modi orationem habuit :
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LVII When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to escape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul. But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul. Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat. Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following manner: |
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" Compertum ego habeo , milites , verba virtutem non addere neque ex ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri . Quanta cuiusque animo audacia natura aut moribus inest , tanta in bello patere solet . Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant , nequiquam hortere : timor animi auribus officit . Sed ego vos , quo pauca monerem , advocavi , simul uti causam mei consili aperirem . Scitis equidem , milites , socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit quoque modo , dum ex urbe praesidia opperior , in Galliam proficisci nequiverim . Nunc vero quo loco res nostrae sint , iuxta mecum omnes intellegitis . Exercitus hostium duo , unus ab urbe , alter a Gallia obstant ; diutius in his locis esse , si maxume animus ferat , frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet ; quocumque ire placet , ferro iter aperiundum est . Quapropter vos moneo , uti forti atque parato animo sitis et , cum proelium inibitis , memineritis vos divitias , decus , gloriam , praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris vostris portare . Si vincimus , omnia nobis tuta erunt : commeatus abunde , municipia atque coloniae patebunt ; si metu cesserimus , eadem illa advorsa fient , neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget , quem arma non texerint . Praeterea , milites , non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo inpendet : nos pro patria , pro libertate , pro vita certamus , illis supervacaneum est pugnare pro potentia paucorum . Quo audacius aggredimini memores pristinae virtutis ! Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exsilio aetatem agere , potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis alienas opes exspectare : quia illa foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur , haec sequi decrevistis . Si haec relinquere voltis , audacia opus est ; nemo nisi victor pace bellum mutavit . Nam in fuga salutem sperare , cum arma , quibus corpus tegitur , ab hostibus avorteris , ea vero dementia est . Semper in proelio iis maxumum est periculum , qui maxume timent ; audacia pro muro habetur . Cum vos considero , milites , et cum facta vostra aestumo , magna me spes victoriae tenet . Animus , aetas , virtus vostra me hortantur , praeterea necessitudo , quae etiam timidos fortis facit . Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat , prohibent angustiae loci . Quod si virtuti vostrae fortuna inviderit , cavete inulti animam amittatis neu capiti potius sicuti pecora trucidemini quam virorum more pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis !"
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"I am well aware, soldiers, that words can not inspire courage; and that a spiritless army can not be rendered active, or a timid army valiant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in the heart of a man, whether from nature or from habit, so much will be shown by him in the field; and on him whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain; for the terror in his breast stops his ears. "I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions, and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know, soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable to march into Gaul. In what situation our affairs now are, you all understand as well as myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, and the other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn, and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly we may desire to remain, in our present position. Whithersoever we would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you, therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and to remember, when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands depend riches, honor, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of your country. If we conquer, all will be safe; we shall have provisions in abundance; and the colonies and corporate towns will open their gates to us. But if we lose the victory through want of courage, those same places will turn against us; for neither place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not protected. Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns them, the power of a small party. Attack them, therefore, with so much the greater confidence, and call to mind your achievements of old. "We might, with the utmost ignominy, have passed the rest of our days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, might have waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your present course. If you wish to quit it, you must exert all your resolution, for none but conquerors have exchanged war for peace. To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle, those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to a rampart. "When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me. Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To prevent the numbers of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is sufficient. But should Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not to lose your lives unavenged; take care not to be taken and butchered like cattle, rather than, fighting like men, to leave to your enemies a bloody and mournful victory." |
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Haec ubi dixit , paululum conmoratus signa canere iubet atque instructos ordines in locum aequum deducit . Dein remotis omnium equis , quo militibus exaequato periculo animus amplior esset , ipse pedes exercitum pro loco atque copiis instruit . Nam uti planities erat inter sinistros montis et ab dextra rupe aspere , octo cohortis in fronte constituit , reliquarum signa in subsidio artius conlocat . Ab iis centuriones , omnis lectos et evocatos , praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit . C . Manlium in dextra , Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare iubet . Ipse cum libertis et colonis propter aquilam adsistit , quam bello Cimbrico C . Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur . At ex altera parte C . Antonius , pedibus aeger quod proelio adesse nequibat , M . Petreio legato exercitum permittit . Ille cohortis veteranas , quas tumultus causa conscripserat , in fronte , post eas ceterum exercitum in subsidiis locat . Ipse equo circumiens unumquemque nominans appellat , hortatur , rogat , ut meminerint se contra latrones inermis pro patria , pro liberis , pro aris atque focis suis certare . Homo militaris , quod amplius annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat , plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat ; ea conmemorando militum animos accendebat .
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When he had thus spoken, he ordered, after a short delay, the signal for battle to be sounded, and led down his troops, in regular order, to the level ground. Having then sent away the horses of all the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by making their danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to their numbers and the nature of the ground. As a plain stretched between the mountains on the left, with a rugged rock on the right, he placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the lest of his force, in close order, in the rear. From among these he removed all the ablest centurions, the veterans, and the stoutest of the common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost ranks. He ordered Caius Manlius to take the command on the right, and a certain officer of Fæsulæ on the left; while he himself, with his freedmen and the colonists, took his station by the eagle, which Caius Marius was said to have had in his army in the Cimbrian war. On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame, was unable to be present in the engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus Petreius, his lieutenant-general. Petreius, ranged the cohorts of veterans, which he had raised to meet the present insurrection, in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding round among his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes. Being a military man, and having served with great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, præfect, lieutenant, or prætor, he knew most of the soldiers and their honorable actions, and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused the spirits of the men. |
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Sed ubi omnibus rebus exploratis Petreius tuba signum dat , cohortis paulatim incedere iubet ; idem facit hostium exercitus . Postquam eo ventum est , unde a ferentariis proelium conmitti posset , maxumo clamore cum infestis signis concurrunt : pila omittunt , gladiis res geritur . Veterani pristinae virtutis memores comminus acriter instare , illi haud timidi resistunt : maxuma vi certatur . Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie vorsari , laborantibus succurrere , integros pro sauciis arcessere , omnia providere , multum ipse pugnare , saepe hostem ferire : strenui militis et boni imperatoris officia simul exsequebatur . Petreius ubi videt Catilinam , contra ac ratus erat , magna vi tendere , cohortem praetoriam in medios hostis inducit eosque perturbatos atque alios alibi resistentis interficit . Deinde utrimque ex lateribus ceteros aggreditur . Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt . Catilina postquam fusas copias seque cum paucis relictum videt , memor generis atque pristinae suae dignitatis in confertissumos hostis incurrit ibique pugnans confoditur .
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When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the trumpet, and ordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the enemy followed his example; and when they approached so near that the action could be commenced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge. They threw aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans, calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closest combat. The enemy made an obstinate resistance; and both sides contended with the utmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was exerting himself with his light troops in the front, sustaining such as were pressed, substituting fresh men for the wounded, attending to every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skillful general. When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking him with such impetuosity, he led his prætorian cohort against the centre of the enemy, among whom, being thus thrown into confusion, and offering but partial resistance, he made great slaughter, and ordered, at the same time, an assault on both flanks. Manlius and the Fæsulan, sword in hand, were among the first that fell; and Catiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few supporters, remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the thickest of the enemy, where he was slain, fighting to the last. |