For M. Fonteius (M. Tullius Cicero)

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	For M. Fonteius Author: M. Tullius Cicero	Translator: C. D. Yonge
20	Cognoscite nunc de crimine vinario , quod illi invidiosissimum et maximum esse voluerunt . Crimen a Plaetorio , iudices , ita constitutum est , M . Fonteio non in Gallia primum venisse in mentem ut portorium vini institueret , sed hac inita iam ac proposita ratione Roma profectum . Itaque Titurium Tolosae quaternos denarios in singulas vini amphoras portori nomine exegisse ; Croduni Porcium et Munium ternos et victoriatum , Vulchalone Servaeum binos et victoriatum ; atque in his locis ab eis portorium esse exactum si qui Cobiomago — qui vicus inter Tolosam et Narbonem est — deverterentur neque Tolosam ire vellent ; Elesiodulis C . Annium senos denarios ab eis qui ad hostem portarent exegisse . Video , iudices , esse crimen et genere ipso magnum — vectigal enim esse impositum fructibus nostris dicitur , et pecuniam permagnam ratione ista cogi potuisse confiteor — et invidia vel maximum ; maxime enim inimici hanc rem sermonibus divolgare voluerunt . Sed ego ita existimo , quo maius crimen sit id quod ostendatur esse falsum , hoc maiorem ab eo iniuriam fieri qui id confingat . Volt enim magnitudine rei sic occupare animos eorum qui audiunt ut difficilis aditus veritati relinquatur . " De crimine vinario . " De bello Vocontiorvm . " De " dispositione hibernorvm . "	Listen now to the facts relating to the charge about wine, which they meant to be the most odious, and the most important charge. The charge, O judges, has been thus stated by Plaetorius: that it had not occurred to Fonteius for the first time when he was in Gaul to establish a transit duty on wine, but that he had thought of the plan in Italy, before he departed from Rome. Accordingly, that Titurius had exacted at Tolosa fourteen denarii for every amphora of wine, under the name of transit duty; that Portius and Numius at Crodunum had exacted three victoriati; that Serveus at Vulchalo had exacted two victoriati; and in those districts they believe that transit duty was exacted by these men at Vulchalo, in case of any one turning aside to Cobiamachus, which is a small town between Tolosa and Narbo, and not wishing to proceed so far as Tolosa. Elesiodulus exacted only six denarii from those who were taking wine to the enemy. I see, O judges, that this is a charge, important both from the sort of crime imputed, (for a tax is said to have been imposed on our produce, and I confess that a very large sum of money might have been amassed by that means,) and from its unpopular nature; for our adversaries have endeavoured to make this charge as widely known as possible, by making it the subject of their conversation. But I think that the more serious a charge is, which is proved to be false, the greater is the wickedness of that man who invented it; for he wishes by the magnitude of the accusation to prejudice the minds of those who hear it, so that the truth may afterwards find a difficult entrance into them. (... lost text ...) [Everything relating to the charge about the wine, to the war with the Vocontii, and the arrangement of winter quarters, is wanting.]
21	' At hoc Galli negant . ' At ratio rerum et vis argumentorum coarguit . Potest igitur testibus iudex non credere ? Cupidis et iratis et coniuratis et ab religione remotis non solum potest sed etiam debet . Etenim si , quia Galli dicunt , idcirco M . Fonteius nocens existimandus est , quid mihi opus est sapiente iudice , quid aequo quaesitore , quid oratore non stulto ? dicunt enim Galli ; negare non possumus . Hic si ingeniosi et periti et aequi iudicis has partis esse existimatis ut , quoniam quidem testes dicunt , sine ulla dubitatione credendum sit , Salus ipsa virorum fortium innocentiam tueri non potest ; sin autem in rebus iudicandis non minimam partem tenere ad unam quamque rem aestimandam momentoque suo ponderandam sapientiam iudicis , videte ne multo vestrae maiores gravioresque partes sint ad cogitandum quam ad dicendum meae .	(... lost text ...)But the Gauls deny this. But the circumstances of the case and the force of arguments prove it. Can then a judge refuse belief to witnesses? He not only can, but he ought, if they are covetous men, or angry men, or conspirators, or men utterly void of religion and conscience. In fact, if Marcus Fonteius is to be considered guilty just because the Gauls say so, what need have I of a wise judge? what need have I of an impartial judge? what need is there of an intelligent advocate? For the Gauls say so. We cannot deny it. If you think this is the duty of an able and experienced and impartial judge, that he must without the slightest hesitation believe a thing because the witnesses say it; then the Goddess of Safety herself cannot protect the innocence of brave men. But if, in coming to a decision on such matters, the wisdom of the judge has a wide field for its exercise in considering every circumstance, and in weighing each according to its importance, then in truth your part in considering the case is a more important and serious one than mine is in stating it.
22	Mihi enim semper una quaque de re testis non solum semel verum etiam breviter interrogandus est , saepe etiam non interrogandus , ne aut irato facultas ad dicendum data aut cupido auctoritas attributa esse videatur ; vos et saepius eandem rem animis agitare et diutius uno quoque de teste cogitare potestis et , si quem nos interrogare noluimus , quae causa nobis tacendi fuerit existimare debetis . Quam ob rem , si hoc iudici praescriptum lege aut officio putatis , testibus credere , nihil est cur alius alio iudice melior aut sapientior existimetur . Vnum est enim et simplex aurium iudicium et promisce et communiter stultis ac sapientibus ab natura datum .	For I have only to question the witness as to each circumstance once, and that, too, briefly, and often indeed I have not to question him at all; lest I should seem to be giving an angry man an opportunity of making a speech, or to be attributing an undue weight to a covetous man. You can revolve the same matter over and over again in your minds, you can give a long consideration to the evidence of one witness; and, if we have shown an unwillingness to examine any witness, you are bound to consider what has been our reason for keeping silence. Wherefore; if you think that to believe the witnesses implicitly is enjoined to a judge, either by the law or by his duty, there is no reason at all why one man should be thought a better or a wiser judge than another. For judgment formed by the mere ears is single and simple enough; it is a power given promiscuously to all in common, whether they are fools or wise men.
23	Quid est igitur ubi elucere possit prudentia , ubi discerni stultus auditor et credulus ab religioso et sapienti iudice ? Nimirum illud in quo ea quae dicuntur a testibus coniecturae et cogitationi traduntur , quanta auctoritate , quanta animi aequitate , quanto pudore , quanta fide , quanta religione , quanto studio existimationis bonae , quanta cura , quanto timore dicantur .	What, then, are the opportunities which wisdom has of distinguishing itself? When can a foolish and credulous auditor be distinguished from a scrupulous and discerning judge? When, forsooth, the statements which are made by the witnesses are committed to his conjectures, to his opinion, as to the authority, the impartiality of mind, the modesty; the good faith, the scrupulousness, the regard for a fair reputation, the care, and the fear with which they are made.
24	An vero vos id in testimoniis hominum barbarorum dubitabitis quod persaepe et nostra et patrum memoria sapientissimi iudices de clarissimis nostrae civitatis viris dubitandum non putaverunt ? qui Cn . et Q . Caepionibus , L . et Q . Metellis testibus in Q . Pompeium , hominem novum , non crediderunt , quorum virtuti , generi , rebus gestis fidem et auctoritatem in testimonio cupiditatis atque inimicitiarum suspicio derogavit . Ecquem hominem vidimus , ecquem vere commemorare possumus parem consilio , gravitate , constantia , ceteris virtutibus , honoris , ingeni , rerum gestarum ornamentis M . Aemilio Scauro fuisse ? Tamen huius cuius iniurati nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur iurati testimonio neque in C . Fimbriam neque in C . Memmium creditum est ; noluerunt ei qui iudicabant hanc patere inimicitiis viam , quem quisque odisset , ut eum testimonio posset tollere . Quantus in L . Crasso pudor fuerit , quod ingenium , quanta auctoritas , quis ignorat ? Tamen is cuius etiam sermo testimoni auctoritatem habebat , testimonio ipso , quae in M . Marcellum inimico animo dixit , probare non potuit .	Or will you, in the case of the testimonies of barbarians, hesitate to do what very often within our recollection and that of our fathers, the wisest judges have not thought that they ought to hesitate to do with respect to the most illustrious men of our state? For they refused belief to the evidence of Cnaeus and Quintus Caepio, and to Lucius and Quintus Metellus, when they were witnesses against Quintus Pompeius, a new man; for virtuous, and noble, and valiant as they were, still the suspicion of some private object to be gamed, and some private grudge to be gratified, detracted from their credibility and authority as witnesses. Have we seen any man, can we with truth speak of any man, as having been equal in wisdom, in dignity, in consistency, in all other virtues, in all the distinguishing qualities of honour, and genius, and splendid achievements, to Marcus Aemilius Scaurus? And yet, though, when he was not on his oath, almost the whole world was governed by his nod, yet, when he was on his oath, his evidence was not believed against Caius Fimbria, nor against Caius Memmius. They, who were the judges, were unwilling that such a road should be opened to enmities, as for every man to be able to destroy by his evidence who ever he hated. Who is there who does not know how great was the modesty, how great the abilities, how great the influence of Lucius Crassus? And yet he, whose mere conversation had the authority of evidence, could not, by his actual evidence, establish the things which he had stated against Marcus Marcellus with hostile feelings.
25	Fuit , fuit illis iudicibus divinum ac singulare , iudices , consilium , qui se non solum de reo sed etiam de accusatore , de teste iudicare arbitrabantur , quid fictum , quid fortuna ac tempore adlatum , quid pretio corruptum , quid spe aut metu depravatum , quid a cupiditate aliqua aut inimicitiis profectum videretur . Quae si iudex non amplectetur omnia consilio , non animo ac mente circumspiciet , si , ut quidque ex illo loco dicetur , ex oraculo aliquo dici arbitrabitur , profecto satis erit , id quod dixi antea , non surdum iudicem huic muneri atque officio praeesse ; nihil erit quam ob rem ille nescio quis sapiens homo ac multarum rerum peritus ad res iudicandas requiratur .	There was—there was in the judges of those times, O judges, a divinely-inspired and singular acuteness, as they thought that they were judges, not only of the defendant, but also of the accuser and of the witness, as to what was invented, what was brought into the case by chance or by the opportunity, what was imported into it through corruption, what was distorted by hope or by fear, what appeared to proceed from any private desire, or any private enmity. And if the judge does not embrace all these considerations in his deliberation, if he does not survey and comprehend them all in his mind,—if he thinks that whatever is said from that witness-box, proceeds from some oracle, then in truth it will be sufficient, as I have said before, for any judge to preside over this court, and to discharge this duty, who is not deaf. There will be no reason in the world for requiring any one, whoever he may be, to be either able or experienced, to qualify him for judging causes.
26	An vero illi equites Romani quos nos vidimus , qui nuper in re publica iudiciisque maxime floruerunt , habuerunt tantum animi , tantum roboris ut L . Crasso , M . Scauro testi non crederent ; vos Volcarum atque Allobrogum testimoniis non credere timetis ? Si inimico testi credi non oportuit , inimicior Marcello Crassus aut Fimbriae Scaurus ex civilibus studiis atque obtrectatione domestica quam huic Galli ? quorum qui optima in causa sunt , equites , frumentum pecuniam semel atque iterum ac saepius invitissimi dare coacti sunt , ceteri partim ex veteribus bellis agro multati , partim ab hoc ipso bello superati et oppressi .	Had then those Roman knights, whom we ourselves have seen who have lately flourished in the republic, and in the courts, so much courage and so much vigour as to refuse belief to Marcus Scaurus when a witness; and are you afraid to disbelieve the evidence of the Volcae and of the Allobroges? If it was not right to give credence to a hostile witness, was Crassus more hostile to Marcellus, or Scaurus to Fimbria, on account of any political differences, or any domestic quarrels, than the Gauls are to Fonteius? For of the Gauls, those even who stand on the best ground have been compelled once and again, and sorely against their will, to furnish cavalry, money, and corn; and of the rest, some have been deprived of their land in ancient wars, some have been overwhelmed and subdued in war by this very man.
27	Si , qui ob aliquod emolumentum suum cupidius aliquid dicere videntur , eis credi non convenit , credo maius emolumentum Caepionibus et Metellis propositum fuisse ex Q . Pompei damnatione , cum studiorum suorum obtrectatorem sustulissent , quam cunctae Galliae ex M . Fontei calamitate , in qua illa provincia prope suam immunitatem ac libertatem positam esse arbitratur . An , si homines ipsos spectare convenit , id quod in teste profecto valere plurimum debet , non modo cum summis civitatis nostrae viris sed cum infimo cive Romano quisquam amplissimus Galliae comparandus est ? Scit Indutiomarus quid sit testimonium dicere ? movetur eo timore quo nostrum unus quisque , cum in eum locum productus est ?	If those men ought not to be believed who appear to say anything covetously with a view to some private gain, I think that the Caepios and Metelli proposed to themselves a greater gain from the condemnation of Quintus Pompeius, as by that they would have got rid of a formidable adversary to all their views, than all the Gauls hoped for from the disaster of Marcus Fonteius, in which that province believed that all its safety and liberty consisted. If it is proper to have a regard to the men themselves, (a thing which in truth in the case of witnesses ought to be of the greatest weight,) is any one, the most honourable man in all Gaul to be compared, I will not say with the most honourable men of our city, but even with the meanest of Roman citizens? Does Induciomarus know what is the meaning of giving evidence? Is he affected with that awe which moves every individual among us when he is brought into that box?
28	Recordamini , iudices , quanto opere laborare soleatis non modo quid dicatis pro testimonio sed etiam quibus verbis utamini , ne quod minus moderate positum , ne quod ab aliqua cupiditate prolapsum verbum esse videatur ; voltu denique laboratis ne qua significari possit suspicio cupiditatis , ut et , cum proditis , existimatio sit quaedam tacita de vobis pudoris ac religionis et , cum disceditis , ea diligenter conservata ac retenta videatur .	Recollect, O judges, with how much pains you are accustomed to labour, considering not only what you are going to state in your evidence, but even what words you shall use, lest any word should appear to be used too moderately, or lest on the other hand any expression should appear to have escaped you from any private motive. You take pains even so to mould your countenances, that no suspicion of any private motive may be excited; that when you come forward there may be a sort of silent opinion of your modesty and scrupulousness, and that, when you leave the box, that reputation may appear to have been carefully preserved and retained.
29	Credo haec eadem Indutiomarum in testimonio timuisse aut cogitavisse , qui primum illud verbum consideratissimum nostrae consuetudinis ' arbitror ' , quo nos etiam tunc utimur cum ea dicimus iurati quae comperta habemus , quae ipsi vidimus , ex toto testimonio suo sustulit atque omnia se ' scire ' dixit . Verebatur enim videlicet ne quid apud vos populumque Romanum de existimatione sua deperderet , ne qua fama consequeretur eius modi , Indutiomarum , talem virum , tam cupide , tam temere dixisse ; non intellegebat se in testimonio nihil praeter vocem et os et audaciam neque civibus suis neque accusatoribus nostris praestare debere .	I suppose Induciomarus, when he gave his evidence, had all these fears and all these thoughts; he, who left out of his whole evidence that most considerate word, to which we are all habituated, “I think,” a word which we use even when we are relating on our oath what we know of our own knowledge, what we ourselves have seen; and said that he knew everything he was stating. He feared, forsooth, lest he should lose any of his reputation in your eyes and in those of the Roman people; lest any such report should get abroad that Induciomarus, a man of such rank, had spoken with such partiality, with such rashness. The truth was, he did not understand that in giving his evidence there was anything which he was bound to display either to his own countrymen or to our accusers, except his voice, his countenance, and his audacity.
30	An vero istas nationes religione iuris iurandi ac metu deorum immortalium in testimoniis dicendis commoveri arbitramini ? quae tantum a ceterarum gentium more ac natura dissentiunt , quod ceterae pro religionibus suis bella suscipiunt , istae contra omnium religiones ; illae in bellis gerendis ab dis immortalibus pacem ac veniam petunt , istae cum ipsis dis immortalibus bella gesserunt .	Do you think that those nations are influenced in giving their evidence by the sanctity of an oath, and by the fear of the immortal gods, which are so widely different from other nations in their habits and natural disposition? For other nations undertake wars in defence of their religious feelings; they wage war against the religion of every people; other nations when waging war beg for sanction and pardon from the immortal gods; they have waged war with the immortal gods themselves.
31	Hae sunt nationes quae quondam tam longe ab suis sedibus Delphos usque ad Apollinem Pythium atque ad oraculum orbis terrae vexandum ac spoliandum profectae sunt . Ab isdem gentibus sanctis et in testimonio religiosis obsessum Capitolium est atque ille Iuppiter cuius nomine maiores nostri vinctam testimoniorum fidem esse voluerunt . Postremo his quicquam sanctum ac religiosum videri potest qui , etiam si quando aliquo metu adducti deos placandos esse arbitrantur , humanis hostiis eorum aras ac templa funestant , ut ne religionem quidem colere possint , nisi eam ipsam prius scelere violarint ? Quis enim ignorat eos usque ad hanc diem retinere illam immanem ac barbaram consuetudinem hominum immolandorum ? Quam ob rem quali fide , quali pietate existimatis esse eos qui etiam deos immortalis arbitrentur hominum scelere et sanguine facillime posse placari ? Cum his vos testibus vestram religionem coniungetis , ab his quicquam sancte aut moderate dictum putabitis ? Hoc vestrae mentes tam castae ,	These are the nations which formerly marched to such a distance from their settlements, as far as Delphi, to attack and pillage the Pythian Apollo, and the oracle of the whole world. By these same nations, so pious, so scrupulous in giving their evidence, was the Capitol besieged, and that Jupiter, under the obligations of whose name our ancestors decided that the good faith of all witnesses should be pledged. Lastly, can anything appear holy or solemn in the eyes of those men, who, if ever they are so much influenced by any fear as to think it necessary to propitiate the immortal gods, defile their altars and temples with human victims? So that they cannot pay proper honour to religion itself without first violating it with wickedness. For who is ignorant that, to this very day, they retain that savage and barbarous custom of sacrificing men? What, therefore, do you suppose is the good faith, what the piety of those men, who think that even the immortal gods can be most easily propitiated by the wickedness and murder of men? Will you connect your own religious ideas with these witnesses? Will you think that anything is said holily or moderately by these men?
32	tam integrae sibi suscipient ut , cum omnes legati nostri qui illo triennio in Galliam venerunt , omnes equites Romani qui in illa provincia fuerunt , omnes negotiatores eius provinciae , denique omnes in Gallia qui sunt socii populi Romani atque amici , M . Fonteium incolumem esse cupiant , iurati privatim et publice laudent , vos tamen cum Gallis iugulare malitis ? Quid ut secuti esse videamini ? voluntatemne hominum ? gravior igitur vobis erit hostium voluntas quam civium ? An dignitatem testium ? potestis igitur ignotos notis , iniquos aequis , alienigenas domesticis , cupidos moderatis , mercennarios gratuitis , impios religiosis , inimicissimos huic imperio ac nomini bonis ac fidelibus et sociis et civibus anteferre ?	Will your minds, pure and upright as they are, bring themselves into such a state that, when all our ambassadors who for the last three years have arrived in Gaul, when all the Roman knights who have been in that province, when all the traders of that province, when, in short, all the allies and friends of the Roman people who are in Gaul, wish Marcus Fonteius to be safe, and extol him on their oaths both in public and in private, you should still prefer to give your decision in unison with the Gauls? Appealing to comply with what? With the wishes of men? Is then the wish of our enemies to have more authority in your eyes than that of our countrymen? With the dignity of the witnesses? Can you then possibly prefer strangers to people whom you know, unjust men to just ones, foreigners to countrymen, covetous men to moderate ones, mercenary men to disinterested ones, impious men to conscientious ones, men who are the greatest enemies to our dominions and to our name, to good and loyal allies and citizens?
33	An vero dubitatis , iudices , quin insitas inimicitias istae gentes omnes et habeant et gerant cum populi Romani nomine ? Sic existimatis eos hic sagatos bracatosque versari , animo demisso atque humili , ut solent ei qui adfecti iniuriis ad opem iudicum supplices inferioresque confugiunt ? Nihil vero minus . Hi contra vagantur laeti atque erecti passim toto foro cum quibusdam minis et barbaro atque immani terrore verborum ; quod ego profecto non crederem , nisi aliquotiens ex ipsis accusatoribus vobiscum simul , iudices , audissem , cum praeciperent ut caveretis ne hoc absoluto novum aliquod bellum Gallicum concitaretur .	Are you then hesitating, O judges, when all these nations have an innate hatred to and wage incessant war with the name of the Roman people? Do you think that, with their military cloaks and their breeches, they come to us in a lowly and submissive spirit, as these do, who having suffered injuries fly to us as suppliants and inferiors to beg the aid of the judges? Nothing is further from the truth. On the contrary, they are strolling in high spirits and with their heads up, all over the forum, uttering threatening expressions, and terrifying men with barbarous and ferocious language; which, in truth, I should not believe, O judges, if I had not repeatedly heard such things from the mouths of the accusers themselves in your presence,—when they warned you to take care, lest, by acquitting this man, you should excite some new Gallic war.
34	Si M . Fonteium , iudices , in causa deficerent omnia , si turpi adulescentia , vita infami , magistratibus quos ante oculos vestros gessit male gestis , convictus virorum bonorum testimoniis , legationibus flagitiose obitis , invisus suis omnibus in iudicium vocaretur , si in eo iudicio colonorum populi Romani Narbonensium , fidelissimorum sociorum Massiliensium , civium Romanorum omnium testimoniis tabulisque premeretur , tamen esset vobis magno opere providendum ne , quos ita adflictos a vestris patribus maioribusque accepissetis ut contemnendi essent , eos pertimuisse et eorum minis et terrore commoti esse videremini .	If, O judges, everything was wanting to Marcus Fonteius in this cause; if he appeared before the court, having passed a disgraceful youth and an infamous life, having been convicted by the evidence of virtuous men of having discharged his duties as a magistrate (in which his conduct has been under your own eye) and as a lieutenant, in a most scandalous manner, and being hated by all his acquaintances; if in his trial he were overwhelmed with the oral and documentary evidence of the Narbonnese colonists of the Roman people, of our most faithful allies the Massilians, and of all the citizens of Rome; still it would be your duty to take the greatest care, lest you should appear to be afraid of those men, and to be influenced by their threats and menaced terrors, who were so prostrate and subdued in the times of your fathers and forefathers, as to be contemptible.
35	Nunc vero cum laedat nemo bonus , laudent omnes vestri cives atque socii , oppugnent idem qui saepissime hanc urbem et hoc imperium oppugnarunt , cumque inimici M . Fontei vobis ac populo Romano minentur , amici ac propinqui supplicent vobis , dubitabitis non modo vestris civibus , qui maxime gloria ac laude ducuntur , verum etiam exteris nationibus et gentibus ostendere vos in sententiis ferendis civi parcere quam hosti cedere maluisse ?	But now, when no good man says a word against him, but all your citizens and allies extol him; when those men attack him who have repeatedly attacked this city and this empire; and when the enemies of Marcus Fonteius threaten you and the Roman people; when his friends and relations come to you as suppliants, will you hesitate to show not only to your own citizens, who are mainly influenced by glory and praise; but also to foreign tribes and nations, that you, in giving your votes, prefer sparing a citizen to yielding to an enemy?
36	Magna me hercules causa , iudices , absolutionis cum ceteris causis haec est , ne quae insignis huic imperio macula atque ignominia suscipiatur , si hoc ita perlatum erit in Galliam , senatores equitesque populi Romani non testimoniis Gallorum , sed minis commotos rem ad illorum libidinem iudicasse . Ita vero , si illi bellum facere conabuntur , excitandus nobis erit ab inferis C . Marius qui Indutiomaro isti minaci atque adroganti par in bello gerendo esse possit , excitandus Cn . Domitius et Q . Maximus qui nationem Allobrogum et belli reliquias suis iterum armis conficiat atque opprimat , aut , quoniam id quidem non potest , orandus erit nobis amicus meus , M . Plaetorius , ut suos novos clientis a bello faciendo deterreat , ut eorum iratos animos atque horribilis impetus deprecetur , aut , si non poterit , M . Fabium , subscriptorem eius , rogabimus ut Allobrogum animos mitiget , quoniam apud illos Fabiorum nomen amplissimum est . Volunt isti aut quiescere , id quod victi ac subacti solent , aut , cum minantur , intellegere se populo Romano non metum belli sed spem triumphi ostendere ?	Among other reasons, this, O judges, is a very great reason for his acquittal, to prevent any notable stain and disgrace from falling on our dominion, by news going to Gaul that the senate and knights of the Roman people gave their decisions in a criminal trial just as the Gauls pleased; being influenced not by their evidence, but by their threats. But in that case, if they attempt to make war upon us, we must summon up Caius Marius from the shades below, in order that he may be equal in war to that great man, that threatening and arrogant Induciomarus. Cnaeus Domitius and Quintus Maximus must be raised from the dead, that they may again subdue and crush the nation of the Allobroges and the other tribes by their arms; or, since that indeed is impossible, we must beg my friend Marcus Plaetorius to deter his new clients from making war, and to oppose by his entreaties their angry feelings and formidable violence; or, if he be not able to do so, we will ask Marcus Fabius, his junior counsel, to pacify the Allobroges, since among their tribe the name of Fabius is held in the highest honour, and induce them either to be willing to remain quiet, as defeated and conquered nations usually are, or else to make them understand that they are holding out to the Roman people not a terror of war, but a hope of triumph.
37	Quod si in turpi reo patiendum non esset ut quicquam isti se minis profecisse arbitrarentur , quid faciendum vobis in M . Fonteio arbitramini ? de quo homine , iudices — iam enim mihi videor hoc prope causa duabus actionibus perorata debere dicere — de quo vos homine ne ab inimicis quidem ullum fictum probrorum non modo crimen sed ne maledictum quidem audistis . Ecquis umquam reus , praesertim in hac vitae ratione versatus , in honoribus petendis , in potestatibus , in imperiis gerendis , sic accusatus est ut nullum probrum , nullum facinus , nulla turpitudo quae a libidine aut a petulantia aut ab audacia nata esset , ab accusatore obiceretur , si non vera , at ficta cum aliqua ratione ac suspicione ?	And if, even in the case of an ignoble defendant, it would not be endurable that those men should think they had effected anything by their threats, what do you think you ought to do in the case of Marcus Fonteius? concerning whom, O judges, (for I think that I am entitled to say this now, when I have almost come to the termination of two trials,) concerning whom, I say, you have not only not heard any disgraceful charge invented by his enemies, but you have not even heard any really serious reproach. Was ever any defendant, especially when he had moved in such a sphere as this man, as a candidate for honours, as an officer in command, and as a governor, accused in such a way, that no disgraceful act, no deed of violence, no baseness originating either in lust or insolence or audacity, was attributed to him, if not with truth, at least with some suspicious circumstances giving a reasonable colouring to the invention?
38	M . Aemilium Scaurum , summum nostrae civitatis virum , scimus accusatum a M . Bruto . Exstant orationes , ex quibus intellegi potest multa in illum ipsum Scaurum esse dicta , falso ; quis negat ? verum tamen ab inimico dicta et obiecta . Quam multa M ' . Aquilius audivit in suo iudicio , quam multa L . Cotta , denique P . Rutilius ! qui , etsi damnatus est , mihi videtur tamen inter viros optimos atque innocentissimos esse numerandus . Ille igitur ipse homo sanctissimus ac temperantissimus multa audivit in sua causa quae ad suspicionem stuprorum ac libidinum pertinerent .	We know that Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, the most eminent man of our city, was accused by Marcus Brutus. The orations are extant by which it can be seen that many things are alleged against Scaurus himself, no doubt falsely; but still they were alleged against him and urged against him by an enemy. How many things were said against Manius Aquilius on his trial? How many against Lucius Cotta? and, lastly, against Publius Rutilius? who, although he was condemned, still appears to me to deserve to be reckoned among the most virtuous and innocent men. Yet that most upright and temperate man had many things attributed to him on his trial, which involved suspicion of adultery, and great licentiousness.